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UNIVERSITY    OF    CALIFORNIA    PUBLICATIONS 
AMERICAN    ARCHAEOLOGY   AND    ETHNOLOGY 

VOLUME    3 


THE   MORPHOLOGY  OF  THE 
HUPA   LANGUAGE 


BY 

PLINY  EARLE  GODDARD 


BERKELEY 

THE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 
JUNE,    1905 


UNIVERSITY    OF    CALIFORNIA    PUBLICATIONS 
DEPARTMENT    OF    ANTHROPOLOGY 

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GRAECO-ROMAN   ARCHAEOLOGY. 

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AMERICAN  ARCHAEOLOGY  AND   ETHNOLOGY. 

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1904 Price,    3.00 

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Vol.  3.    The  Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard. 

Pages  344,  June,  1905 Price,    3.50 

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Vol.  I.     Explorations  in  Peru,  by  Max  Uhle  (in  preparation). 
No.  'l.    The  Ruins  of  Moche. 
No.  2.    Huamachuco,  Chincha,  lea. 
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Part  I.     Preface,    Introduction,    and    80    Fac-simile    plates   in 

colors.     1903. 

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Address  orders  for  the  above  to  the  University  Press,  Berkeley, 
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pology,  University  of  California,  Berkeley,  California. 

A.  L.  KROEBER,  Secretary.  F.  W.  PUTNAM,  Director. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA   PUBLICATIONS 


THE  MORPHOLOGY  OF  THE 
HUPA  LANGUAGE 


A   THESIS   IN    PARTIAL   FULFILLMENT   OF   THE    REQUIREMENTS    FOR   THE 

DEGREE  OF   DOCTOR  OF   PHILOSOPHY   IN   THE   UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA   PRESENTED   IN   1904   BY 

PLINY  EARLE  GODDARD 


f          or  THE 

(    UNIVERSITY    | 

BERKELEY 

THE   UNIVERSITY  PRESS 
1905 


TABLE  OP  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

INTRODUCTION 9 

NOUNS   13 

Classified  according  to   Form  and  Length 13 

Monosyllabic     13 

Monosyllabic-  with  Possessive  Prefix 14 

Polysyllabic,  without  Descriptive   Meaning 16 

Formed  by  Means  of  Suffixes  and  Composition 17 

Suffixes     17 

Compounds    19 

Verbs  as  Nouns 21 

Active    21 

Passive     21 

Compounded  with  Nouns 22 

With    Prefixes 22 

With    Suffixes 23 

Compounds  with  Suffixes 23 

Plurals  24 

Cases    24 

Temporal  Endings 28 

PRONOUNS   29 

Personal     29 

Possessives    30 

Demonstratives     31 

Relatives    31 

Interrogates    31 

Article    31 

Adjective  Pronouns 32 

NUMERALS    32 

ADJECTIVES   33 

Comparison     34 

VERBS    34 

( 'lassified     34 

Transitive  and  Intransitive   34 

Classes    34 

Voice    35 

Modes  and  Tenses 36 

Person  and  Number 37 

Structure   37 

Prefixes  and  Infixes  (preceding  the  root) 39 

Adverbial  Prefixes  of  Place  and  Direction 39 

Prefixes  of  Pursuit   66 

Adverbial  Prefixes  of  Manner 67 

Prefixes   Expressing   Identity 77 

Prefixes  Expressing  Distribution  over  Space  and  Time.  ...  78 


6  University  of  California  Publications.  [^M.  ARCH.  ETH. 

VERBS  (continued}.  PAGE 

Conjugations  (based  on  syllable  preceding  the  root) 95 

Class   I 96 

Conjugation    IA 96 

Conjugation    IB 104 

Conjugation    Ic 109 

Conjugation    ID 112 

Conjugation    IE 114 

Conjugation    2 116 

Conjugation    3A 122 

Conjugation    SB 131 

Conjugation    4 134 

Class    IT    140 

Conjugation    IA 140 

Conjugation    IB 142 

Conjugation    Ic 145 

Conjugation    ID 1 47 

Conjugation    2 149 

Conjugation    3A 152 

Conjugation    3B 155 

Conjugation    4 159 

Class  III   161 

Conjugation    1 161 

Conjugation    2 165 

Conjugation    3 168 

Class  IV    170 

Conjugation    1 170 

Conjugation    3 174 

Objective  Conjugation    1 77 

Conjugation  of  the  Passive  Voice 193 

Conjugation  of  Irregular  Verbs 196 

Conjugation  of   Adjectives 200 

Boots    203 

Listed  in  Alphabetical  Order 203 

Classified  as  to  their  Form 286 

Classified  as  to  their  Meaning 297 

Suffixes    304 

Temporal    304 

Temporal-Modal    313 

Modal    319 

Indicating  the  Source  of  Information 322 

Conjunctional    326 

Adverbial    327 

ADVERBS    328 

Place  and  Direction 328 

Time  and  Sequence 333 

Manner    .                                                                                                         .  335 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  7 

ADVEKBS  (continued).  PAGE 

Degree    337 

Assent  and  Negation 338 

PREPOSITIONS    339 

CONJUNCTIONS 343 

INTERJECTIONS    343 

CONCLUSION                                                                                             . . .  344 


KEY  TO  THE  SOUNDS  REPEESENTED  BY  THE 
CHARACTERS  USED. 

a  as  in  father. 

a  nearly  of  the  same  quality,  but  of  longer  duration.    It  is  used 

as  a  matter  of  convenience  to  distinguish  a  few  words 

from  others  nearly  like  them, 

ai  as  in  aisle, 

e  as  in  net. 

e  as  in  they  but  lacking  the  vanish, 

ei  the  sound  of  e  followed  by  a  vanish. 

i  as  in  pin. 

I  as  in  pique. 

6  as  in  note. 

0  a  more  open  sound  than  the  last,  nearly  as  in  on. 

01  as  in  boil, 
u  as  in  rule. 

li      nearly  as  in  but,  a  little  nearer  to  a. 

Q      a  faint  sound  like  the  last.    Sometimes  it  is  entirely  wanting. 

y      as  in  yes. 

w     as  in  will. 

w     an  unvoiced  w  which  occurs  frequently  at  the  end  of  syllables. 

When  it  follows  vowels  other  than  6  or  u  it  is  preceded  by 

a  glide  and  is  accordingly  written  uw. 
hw  the  preceding  in  the  initial  position.    It  has  nearly  the  sound 

of  wh  in  who. 
1      as  in  let. 
L     an  unvoiced  sound  made  with  the  tip  of  the  tongue  against 

the  teeth,  the  breath  being  allowed  to  escape  rather  freely 

at  one  side  of  the  tongue. 


8  University  of  California  Publications.  CAM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

L  nearly  like  the  preceding,  but  the  sides  of  the  tongue  are  held 
more  firmly  against  the  back  teeth,  resulting  in  a  harsher 
sound  often  beginning  with  a  slight  explosion.  Some 
speakers  place  the  tip  of  the  tongue  in  the  alveolar  posi 
tion. 

m     as  in  English. 

n      usually  as  in  English,  but  sometimes  very  short. 

fi      as  ng  in  sing. 

h      as  in  English  but  somewhat  stronger. 

x      has  the  sound  of  jota  in  Spanish. 

s      as  in  sit. 

z      the  corresponding  voiced  continuant ;  only  after  d  and  rare. 

c      as  sh  in  shall.    It  seldom  occurs  except  after  t. 

d     is  spoken  with  the  tongue  on  the  teeth. 

t  an  easily  recognized,  somewhat  aspirated  surd  in  the  posi 
tion  of  d. 

t  an  unaspirated  surd  which  is  distinguished  from  d  with 
difficulty. 

k,  ky  a  surd  stop  having  the  contact  on  the  posterior  third  of 
the  hard  palate.  Except  before  e,  e,  i,  and  I  a  glide  is 
noticeable  and  has  been  written  as  y. 

g,  gy     the  sonant  of  the  preceding,  occurs  rarely. 

k  when  written  before  a  back  vowel  (a,  o,  o,  u,  ii)  without  a 
following  y  stands  for  a  surd  nearly  in  the  position  of  c 
in  come,  but  the  contact  is  very  firm.  The  resulting  sound 
is  very  harsh  and  quite  unlike  the  English  sound. 

q      is  a  velar  surd  occurring  only  before  back  vowels. 

tc     as  ch  in  church. 

dj    the  corresponding  voiced  sound  equivalent  to  j  or  soft  g  in 

English. 
The  syllables,  considered  as  phonetic  elements  without  regard 

to  their  possible  morphological  force,  have  been  separated  by 

spaces  thinner  than  those  employed  between  words. 


THE  MORPHOLOGY  OF  THE 
HUPA  LANGUAGE 


INTRODUCTION. 

The  Hupa  are  a  small  community  isolated  in  their  home  by 
the  surrounding  mountains.  The  valley  which  bears  their  name 
is  in  Humboldt  county,  California,  on  the  Trinity  river  a  few 
miles  above  its  confluence  with  the  Klamath.  It  was  here  the 
Hupa  were  found  by  the  first  white  men  who  passed  through  this 
section  of  the  state  in  1850.  The  short  memory  of  their  own 
traditions  knows  no  time  when  they  lived  otherwheres.  Their 
myths  explain  that  they  came  into  spontaneous  existence  here, 
as  the  tree  springs  from  the  soil. 

At  the  taking  of  the  first  census  in  1866  there  were  reported 
to  be  650  of  them,  already  physically  on  the  decline  from  contact 
with  civilization.  They  number  now  about  450,  upon  whom  their 
old  traditions  and  religion  have  a  strong  hold  notwithstanding 
their  garb  and  dwellings  supplied  by  white  people.  The  older 
people  speak  their  own  language  chiefly,  having  recourse  to  the 
few  p]nglish  words  they  know  when  communication  with 
white  people  is  necessary.  The  younger  people  all  employ  the 
Hupa  language  in  their  home  life  and  when  talking  to  each 
other,  but  have  a  good  command  of  English  for  their  intercourse 
with  white  people. 

The  Hupa  neighbored  and  traded  with  the  Yurok  and  Karok 
on  the  Klamath  river,  rather  than  with  the  tribes  to  the  south 
and  west.  Travel  by  water  in  the  excellent  canoes  was  swift, 
comfortable,  and  comparatively  safe.  The  crossing  of  the  moun 
tains  not  only  entailed  severe  physical  exertion  but  brought  the 

AM.  ARCH.  ETH.  3  li. 


IQ  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETHJ 

traveler  into  places  in  which  might  lurk  the  foe,  man  or  beast. 
There  was  little  necessity  for  travel.  The  salmon  came  up  the 
river  in  abundant  numbers  to  the  nets  of  the  waiting  fisherman. 
The  deer  and  elk,  unlike  the  buffalo,  wandered  but  short  dis 
tances  from  their  accustomed  feeding  grounds. 

Trade,  never  extensive,  was  carried  on  by  canoes  with  the 
Yurok  along  the  Klamath  and  southward  from  its  mouth.  In 
return  for  seaweed,  which  furnished  the  supply  of  salt,  and  sea- 
fish,  the  Hupa  supplied  the  coast  peoples  with  acorns  and  other 
inland  foods.  Dentalia  were  the  common  currency.  The  Hupa 
and  Yurok  intermarried  largely,  and  attended  one  another's 
dances,  in  which  they  joined,  as  well  as  in  the  games  and  con 
tests  which  followed  them.  Since  these  people  spoke  languages 
totally  different,  communication  was  necessarily  carried  on  by 
and  through  those  who  knew  both  languages. 

That  the  Hupa  language  differs  widely  from  the  other  lan 
guages  of  the  Athapascan  stock,  to  which  it  belongs,  is  evident. 
How  much  of  this  difference  is  due  directly  to  the  non-Atha 
pascan  Yurok,  with  whom  they  were  so  intimate,  and  how  much 
is  due  to  the  slow  and  ordinary  changes  which  are  constantly 
taking  place  in  an  isolated  people,  it  is  impossible  to  tell  at 
present.  This  difference  is  manifest  in  the  phonetic  character, 
several  changes  in  the  consonants  and  vowels  having  taken  place ; 
in  the  vocabulary,  many  new  nouns,  especially,  having  arisen; 
and  morphologically,  verb  forms  having  been  multiplied  and 
extended. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  remaining  languages  of  the  Pacific 
Division  of  the  Athapascan  are  rather  closely  connected  and 
grade  into  each  other.  They  were  spoken  from  the  valley  of  the 
Umpqua,  in  Oregon,  southward  to  the  Klamath,  where  their  ter 
ritory  was  cut  through  by  the  Yurok  and  Wishosk.  South  of  these 
peoples  they  occupied  most  of  the  valleys  of  Mad  and  Eel  rivers, 
as  well  as  the  intervening  mountains  and  the  coast  as  far  as  Usal. 

There  is  no  published  account  of  other  languages  of  this  divi 
sion.  Some  material  in  manuscript,  not  yet  thoroughly  digested, 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Ilupa  Language.  11 

is  in  the  possession  of  the  Department  of  Anthropology  concern 
ing  the  Tolowa  language,  spoken  in  Del  Norte  county,  California, 
and  the  Wailaki  and  Lassik  dialects  spoken  on  the  upper  waters 
of  Eel  river,  in  southern  Humboldt  and  northern  Mendocino 
counties.  Less  complete  material  of  the  same  nature  from  the 
Athapascan  peoples  of  western  Oregon  is  also  at  hand. 

Of  the  languages  of  the  Northern  Division  of  the  Athapascan 
we  possess  a  large  comparative  dictionary  in  French,  Diction- 
naire  de  la  Langue  Dene-Dinjie,  par  le  R.  P.  E.  Petitot.1  who 
was  for  many  years  a  missionary  among  the  peoples  near  the 
mouth  of  the  Mackenzie  river.  As  a  preface  to  that  volume  a 
comparative  sketch  of  the  grammar  of  the  languages  treated  is 
given.  The  dialect  of  the  Carriers,  which  is  not  included  in  the 
above  mentioned  work,  has  been  treated  by  Father  Morice  in  a 
paper  entitled,  "The  Dene  Languages,"  published  in  the  Trans 
actions  of  the  Canadian  Institute,  Vol.  I,  March,  1891. 

The  linguistic  material  concerning  the  Southern  Division  is 
exceedingly  scanty.  Dr.  Washington  Matthews  has  published  a 
few  texts  in  connection  with  his  treatment  of  Navaho  religion, 
but  the  frequent  repetitions  in  the  prayers  and  hymns  reduce 
the  lexical  and  grammatical  material  to  the  minimum.  The 
Apache  and  Lipan  are  almost  unknown  in  regard  to  language 
and  culture. 

The  sources  of  information  for  the  matter  published  in  this 
paper  have  been  two.  The  Ilupa  Texts,-  collected  and  published 
largely  for  the  purpose,  have  furnished  many  forms  of  the  gram 
mar,  and  a  context  for  their  interpretation.  Such  texts  are 
lacking  in  first  and  second  persons  of  the  verb,  and  in  colloquial 
forms  of  the  language.  These  have  been  supplied  by  means  of 
questions  suggested  by  forms  occurring  in  the  texts. 


1  Bibliotheque   de   Linguistique  et   <1 'Ethnographic  Americaines,   Vol.   2, 
Paris,  1876. 

2  Ilupa   Texts,   Pliny   Earle  Goddard,   University  of   California   Publica 
tions,  American  Archaeology  and  Ethnology,  Vol.  1,  No.  2.     The  numbers' 
given  after  the  examples  in  the  present  paper  are  to  the  pages  and  lines  of 
Volume  1  of  this  series. 


12  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

The  words  and  forms  thus  obtained  have  been  studied  by 
means  of  comparisons,  seldom  extending  beyond  the  limits  of  the 
language ;  and  analyzed  to  determine  the  force  of  each  changing 
part.  Afterward  these  forms  have  been  assembled  in  classes, 
that  an  adequate  conception  of  the  language  as  a  whole  might  be 
obtained. 

In  the  presentation  of  the  morphological  facts  the  number  of 
examples  has  not  been  limited,  that  the  conclusions  drawn  may 
be  easily  and  quickly  justified,  and  that  complete  material  may 
be  available  for  comparative  studies.  Little  regard  has  been  paid 
to  the  terms  and  forms  of  formal  grammar,  since  they  tend  to 
obscure  the  facts  of  a  language  in  many  respects  quite  different 
from  those  to  which  they  were  originally  applied. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hnpa  Language.  13 

NOUNS. 

CLASSIFIED  ACCORDING  TO  FORM  AND  LENGTH. 
The  nouns  of  the  Hupa  language,  when  classified  according 
to  their  length  and  form,  fall  into  five  fairly  well  marked  classes. 

MONOSYLLABIC. 

There  are  many  monosyllabic  nouns,  for  the  most  part,  names 
of  common  material  objects  and  elements.  These  words  and 
others  are  found  with  various  phonetic  changes  in  the  cognate 
languages.  Some  of  them  are  the  following : 

a,    cloud.    104-13,  105-8. 

es,    fish  trap,  cf.    es  tcin.    208-5. 

ya,    lice.    151-10. 

yon,    corner,  part  of  house  back  of  the  fire.    241-2,  136-6. 

la,    a  seaweed,  Porpliyra  pcrforata.    31. 

Lin,    pet,  domesticated  animal,  dog.     114-12,  195-8. 

Lit,    smoke,  steam.    96-2,  170-7,  321-7. 

LOL,    a  strap.    278-9. 

Lon,    mouse.     153-15. 

Lok,    fish,  salmon.     98-7. 

LUW,    rattlesnake.    195-8. 

L6,    grass,  herb,  medicine.    101-3,  121-15,  242-4. 

Lutt/',    alder.     341-14. 

mi,    weather  spirit.    79,  271-3. 

mintc,    a  hut.    17. 

munk,    lake,  pond.     100-7. 

nin,    ground,  the  earth. 

hw;a,    sun,  moon.     104-10. 

hiriii,    song.    315-5. 

xai,    winter.    198-1. 

xai,    root  of  conifer.    39,  41. 

xon,    fire.     104-15. 

xaiL,    load,  burden.    105-16,  171-17. 

xun,    river.     265-9,  200-9. 

sats,    bear.     276-1,  198-7. 

sits,    skin,  bark.    97-4. 

dje,    pitch.     150-11. 


14  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  ETH. 

tan,    gods  of  the  deer.     77. 

te,    blanket.     190-4,  204-7. 

teuw,    coal,  charcoal.     114-4. 

tin,    road,  trail.    102-8,  106-15,  121-7. 

tits,    cane,  digging  stick.     150-9,  12,  363-11. 

to,    water,  ocean.     159-7,  195-4. 

tse,    stone.    197-1. 

tse,    brush,  fence.     176-9. 

tseuk,    fur  for  tying  hair.    247-14. 

tcint,    dead  things.    346-5. 

tcwal,  frog,  toad  (').    164-13,  196-1. 

tcwiltc,    huckleberry.     32. 

tcwitc,    wood,  firewood.     157-2. 

tcwM,    dirt,  excrement.    111-10,  207-3. 

kin,    stick,  tree.     100-2,  108-14. 

kin,    a  game.     61. 

kos,    bulbs.     110-5. 

kut,    root  of  a  decidious  tree.    39,  41. 

kya,    woman's  dress,  a  skirt.     164-9,  179-10,  333-8. 

kyots,    sinew.     97-4,  288-5. 

qo,    worm. 

MONOSYLLABIC   WITH    POSSESSIVE   PREFIX. 

Many  nouns,  of  themselves  monosyllabic,  do  not  occur  with 
out  a  possessive  prefix.  These  words,  like  the  preceding  class, 
seem  to  belong  to  the  oldest  stratum  of  the  language.  Most  of 
them  are  to  be  found  in  the  other  Athapascan  languages.  They 
are  generally  the  names  of  parts  of  the  body  and  personal  pos 
sessions,  and  terms  of  relationship. 

a  dil  la,    her  hand.    307-2. 

adimmit,     her  own  belly.     276-5. 

adiUa,     (in)  his  sack.    152-9,282-6. 

a  dit  tsel,    his  biceps.    142-2. 

iLde,    sisters  (of  each  other).    169-1. 

LiLLin,    brothers  (of  each  other).    140-9. 

minnin,    its  face.     115-15. 

mit  tseuk,    its  umbilical  cord.    157-4. 

mit  tsin,    its  meat.    208-13. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  15 

mitctcwo,    grandmother.     136-12. 

mikke,     its  tail.     283-15. 

mikkil,     her  brother.     189-13. 

mik  kin,    its  base.     230-6. 

inun  tcwifi.1   their  mother.     135-10,  229-12. 

nexufi,    your  husband.     210-11. 

nit  dje,    your  mind.    351-9. 

nittai,    your  paternal  uncle.    237-3. 

nota,    our  father.     192-9. 

hwauMJ,    my  sister's  boy.    120-14. 

httnmmit,    my  belly.    112-17. 

hwnn  nin.    my  face.    247-12. 

h»rufr  xai,    my  boy.     137-5. 

hiritdje,    my  mind.    296-13. 

htt'ikkai,     my  brother-in-law.     142-14. 

humn  tcwifi,    my  mother.     181-9. 

xoikil,    his  younger  brother.     150-1,332-1. 

xoi  kyai,    her  granddaughter.     135-1,  241-5. 

xoikyon,    her  odor.    165-4. 

xoik  kyuii,    his  mind.    102-16. 

xout,    his  wife.     117-15,  195-1. 

xola,    his  hand.    96-4. 

xomit,    her  belly.     102-15. 

xonna,    his  eyes.     105-15. 

xonnin,    his  face.     174-8. 

xoxa,    his  tracks.     159-4. 

xo  xai,    her  boy.    139-9. 

xoxun,    her  husband.    305-11. 

xodje,     his  mind.     307-9. 

xota,    his  father.     169-1. 

xotda,    his  mouth.     112-14,  113-18. 

xot  detc,    her  sister.    169-13. 

xotse,     his  daughter.     237-1. 

xottseuk,     its  umbilical  cord.     157-7. 

xottsel,    his  biceps.    139-13. 

xotctcitc,     his  elbows.     347-8. 


'This  word   and   h«;un  tcwifi     below   point   to   dissylabie   base,   un  tcwifi 
probably  connected  with  the  root  -tcwe,  to  make. 


16  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

xotcwo,    his  grandmother.    290-2. 

xokyun,    his  breast.     301-1. 

ketse,    somebody's  penis  (severed  from  the  body).   171-3. 

kekai,    somebody's  thigh.     171-7. 

kutc  tcwo,    its  grandmother.    100-16. 

POLYSYLLABIC  WITHOUT  DESCRIPTIVE  MEANING. 

A  considerable  number  of  nouns  of  two  or  more  syllables, 
evidently  secondary,  are  not  easily  analyzed.  The  Hupa  them 
selves  do  not  attempt  to  assign  meaning  to  them  beyond  the 
designation  of  the  objects  for  which  they  stand.  Examples  are 
the  following. 

is  de  au,     madrona.     96-11. 

isdits,    strings  (verbal?).     144-7. 

yiLxai,    mornings  (verbal?).    255-17. 

wiL  dun,     yesterday.     175-13. 

Littcuw,    sand.     117-16. 

min  tsit  da,     smokehole.     136-3. 

miii  kil  en,    menstruating  women.     253-6. 

mis  dje,    fog.     244-6. 

na  di  yau,     dentalia,     208-13. 

na  tses,    arrows.    139-12. 

niskifi,    Douglas  spruce.     152-16. 

no  le,    dam,  waterfall.    102-7. 

xaitsa,     basket-bucket.     110-16. 

xea  kai,    baby-basket.     289-17. 

xo  is  dai,    man.     136-15. 

xo  Lit,      noise.     241-2. 

xon  ta,    house.     97-13. 

xos  saik,    abalones.    347-17. 

dinnuw,    manzanita.     200-3. 

dinnai,    arrowpoint.    119-3. 

dit  tsik,     acorns.     137-15. 

dje  16,    storage  basket.     151-12. 

tai  kyuw,  sweathouse.    98-15. 

tea  xutc,    girl.    189-8. 

tis  mil,    eagle.    114-8. 

tsiLtin,     bow.     139-12. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  17 

tciiw  hwutt',     elder  sticks.     118-1. 

kai  lutt-,  willow.    197-2. 

keLtsan,     maiden.     135-2. 

kixxak,  net.    256-7. 

kit  to,    paddle  (verbal?).    314-4. 

kos  tan,    hat.    209-4. 

kyukka,    deer  fat.    164-10. 

FORMED  BY  MEANS  OP  SUFFIXES  AND  COMPOSITION 

There  is  a  large  and  increasing  number  of  nouns,  formed  by 
suffixes  or  by  composition,  the  descriptive  force  of  which  is  ever 
present  in  the  mind  of  the  speaker.  The  occasion  for  the  increase 
of  this  class  of  nouns  is  the  death  of  well  known  people  who  had. 
for  a  name,  the  name  of  some  object  or  animal;  and  the  intro 
duction  of  new  things  by  the  white  people.1 

SUFFIXES. 

Suffixes  which  have  no  separate  existence  are  few.  The 
inhabitants  are  distinguished  from  the  place  they  inhabit  by 
suffixing  -xoi  to  the  name  of  the  locality. 

Lomittaxoi,     prairies  among  people,  New  River  people. 

110-12. 

na  tin  nox  xoi,     Hupa  Indians. 
xolLkutxoi,    Redwood  creek  Indian.     110-12. 
kit  don  xoi,    people  having  evil  power.    181-1. 

A  suffix,  which  does  not  appear  as  a  verb,  signifies  that  the 
plant  or  animal  is  found  in,  or  frequents  the  place  named. 

yinnetau,    in  the  ground  they  are;  a  bulb.     135-2. 
xaslintau,     riffles  he  frequents;  crane.     203-14. 
xoLtsaitau,    dry  places  he  lives;  a  land  monster.    114-18. 
xonteLtau,    glades,  he  frequents;  coyote.     151-8. 

Augmentatives  are  made  by  the  suffix  -kyo,  which  is  evidently 
connected  with  the  adjective  nikkyao.  Its  use  is  frequent  to 
distinguish  the  larger  of  two  plants  or  animals  which  resemble 
each  other. 


1  Compare  Amer.  Anthropologist,  New  Series,  Vol.  3,  p.  209;  and  Life 
and  Culture  of  the  Hupa,  p.  73. 


18  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  ETH. 

selkyo,    Heracleum  lanatum.    31. 

kiLwekyo,    spider.     151-13.    KiLwe  is  a  small  enemy  of 
mankind.1 

kiLmukkyo,    Aralia  California. 

kiL  dik  kik  kyo,    pileated  woodpecker.    204-7. 

kos  kyo,     Chlorogalum  pomeridanum.     109-12. 

tcimmulkyo,     an  herb.     295-footnote. 
Diminutives  are  formed  by  adding  -itc  or  -tc  to  the  noun. 

isdewitc,     Heteromeles   arbutifolia;  from    isdeau.    the 
madrofia,  whose  fruit  resembles  the  Heteromeles. 

Littsowitc,    little  blue  ones  (beads).     199-7. 

Lo  daitc,    an  herb.    310-10. 

L6  katc,    a  straw.    158-6. 

medilitc,  a  small  canoe.     102-9. 

miL  tcdL  waltc,     a  small  axe,  hatchet.     198-8. 

minditc,     wildcat.     222-12.     Panther  formerly  had  the 
corresponding  augmentative  for  a  name. 

naLtsisitc,    a  spoon  basket;  it  hangs  small.     288-6. 

nis  sate  din,     a   little   way.     234-5.     Compare,     nissa,     a 
long  way. 

djelotc,    a  small    djelo,    a  storage  basket.    158-13 
Small  trees  and  animals  have  a  diminutive  in    -yauto. 

i.oklyauw,    small  salmon. 

niLtukyauw,    young  black  oaks.    362-17. 

tcim  me  yauw;,    young  Douglas  spruce.    283-7. 
A  suffix    -ne  wan    is  a  very  fruitful  source  of  new  nouns. 

xonnewan,    fire  like.      329-10. 

tone  wan,    water  like;  glass,  black  obsidian.     108-2. 

tsel  ne  wan,    blood  like ;  red  obsidian.     180-11. 

kim  mit  ne  wan,    belly  like ;  watermelon. 

kit  tsai  XUL  ne  wan,    hawk  black.    332-2. 

qo  ne  wan,    worm  like ;  rice. 

Compare,     no  nin  Luk  ne  wan,     dough  put  on  the  ground 

like,    209-4,  and    xot  tsin  ne  wan,    carefully.  142-5. 

Certain  adverbial  suffixes  of  place  furnish  secondary  nouns. 

Littcuwdin,    sand  place,  a  village.     169-1. 


1  Compare  Life  and  Culture,  p.  64. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hiipa  Language.  19 

mil  la  kin  ta,    its  hand  bases;  its  wrists.    215-2. 
nibtukalai,     black   oak   tops   among;   a    dancing   place 

among  oaks.     174-5. 

xon  ta  din,    house  place ;  village,  vicinity  of  a  house.  210-5. 
to  din,    water  place ;  the  river, 
tsedifi,    brush  place;  a  grave  (from  the  ancient  practice 

of  fencing  graves  with  brush).     176-8. 
mis  kut,    a  slide  on  ;  a  Ilupa  village.     105-4. 
kin  tcuw  hu-ik  kut,     its  nose  on ;  a  Hupa  village  situated 

on  a  nose-like  ridge.     135-1. 

COMPOUNDS. 

A)  A  few  compounds  consist  of  two  nouns  in  juxtaposition 
without  a  subordinating  possessive  prefix. 

The  second  noun  qualifies  the  first. 

LUU;  xan,    snake  river;  eel.    98-13. 

Lo  tse,    grass  stone ;  a  sedge.    100-8. 
The  first  noun  qualifies  the  second. 

htdL  tsiL  tin  LOL,    my  bow  string.    153-15. 

xonnatfun,    his  eye  leaves  (')  ;  his  eyebrows.     362-11. 

xo  tsin  duk  kan,     her  leg  ridge;  her  shin.     103-1. 

kin  nab  dun  tse,     kinaLdun  stick.     238-7. 

kix  xak  kin,    net  pole.    257-6. 

B)  Compounds  consisting  of  two  nouns,  the  second  of  which 
has  a  possessive  prefix,  have  the  first  qualifying  the  second. 

xonna    kut  to,    her  eyes  their  water ;  her  tears.    245-11. 

din  nuw;    mu  wit  wat  de,    manzanita  its  flour.     200-3. 

dindai    mitctcwo,    flint  its  grandmother:  a  bird.     182-1. 

tin    muwa,    trail  its  edge.     121-7. 

kai  luw    muk  kut  de,    willow  its  root.     197-2. 

ki  yauw  me  de  ai,  bird  its  scalp,  woodpecker's  scalp.  187-5. 

kiLLaxun    mit  tcit  dil  ye,    deer  its  dance.     231-1. 

c)  A  few  compounds,  true  substantives,  have  the  first  ele 
ment  a  noun  and  the  second  an  adjective  qualifying  it. 
yauLkai,     louse  white;  grey-back.     111-1. 
niL tcwin dil mai,    niLtcwin  gray;  an  herb.     283-8. 


20  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

ninnisan  Lukkai,    mountain  white;  Mount  Shasta.  328-1. 

tit tau Luk kai,    tittau  white;  a  bird.     144-10. 

to  nuw  hwon  din,     water  good  place;  Freshwater  Lagoon. 

245-17. 

tun  tcwin,    leaves  fragrant ;  pepper  wood.    271-9. 
tseL  kai,    stone  white ;  a  white  knife.     101-1. 
tsemttso,    stone  blue;  a  hard  bluish  stone.     114-17. 
tse  Lit  tso,    brush  blue ;  Ceanotkus  integerrimus.    319-8. 
tsoydLtel,    (?)  wide.    223-8. 

D)  Certain  compounds  whose  first  elements  are  nouns  fol 
lowed   by  qualifying   adjectives   are   introduced  by   possessive 
prefixes.     These  words,  while  performing  the  office  of  substan 
tives,  really  qualify  a  subject  understood. 

mintcuwmil,  its  nose  pierced  (?);  yellow-hammer. 
113-12. 

mis  sa  niL  tcwin,    its  mouth  stinks ;  buzzard.    113-17. 

mite  tcwiin  tuL  tan,    its  dung  soft ;  fox.     143-12. 

xon  tern*.'  ditc  tcetc,  his  nose  rough;  a  mythical  charac 
ter.  150-1. 

kim  miL  na  tul  tcu  wol,    its  foot  round ;  bob-cat.     143-6. 

kit  tun  dun  qotc,    its  leaves  sour ;  Oxalis  Oregana.   121-12. 

kittsaiLkai,    its  (?)  white;  bluej ay.1    120-13. 

E)  There  are  compounds,  similar  to  the  last,  but  having  for 
their  last  elements  words  indicating  the  presence,  abundance,  or 
lack  of  some  part  or  quality. 

mex  xon  tau  xo  len,    its  house  it  has ;  wood-rat.     152-9. 

mis  lut  xo  len,    folds  having.    364-14. 

mite  dje  xo  len,     its  pitch  abundant;  Pinus  Lambertiana. 

110-15. 

mite  dje  e  din,    its  mind  lacking;  a  baby.     101-14. 
mite  tcil  le  xo  len,    their  wings  they  have.     317-3. 
mux  xaix  xo  len,    their  chidren  they  have ;  does.    310-2. 
mux  xa  tee  xo  len,     its  roots  abundant ;  Leptotaenia  Cali- 

fornica. 


1  For  the  first  element,  compare,    kit  tsai  XUL  ne  wan,  hawk  black.     332-2. 

2  Compare,    xon  ta    e  din,    house  without.  192-14. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  21 

VERBS  AS  NOUNS. 

Any  verb  in  the  third  person  present,  of  the  active  or  passive 
voice,  seems  capable  of  becoming  a  noun  without  changing  its 
form.  Verbs  are  also  variously  compounded  to  form  descriptive 
substantives. 

ACTIVE. 

naiya,    it  comes  down ;  rain,  or  it  is  raining.    229-3. 

nas  dik,    over  the  ground  it  creeps ;  yerba  buena.    364-15. 

nakedilyai,    on  each  side  they  hang(?)  ;  beads.     190-10. 

nillin,    it  flows;  a  creek.     119-17. 

nistan,    on  the  ground  it  lies;  a  log.    341-4. 

no  tab  a;    big  lagoon.     117-7. 

nun  dil,      they    come    down  -.    snow.      170-10.     Compare, 

na  I  ya    above. 

xoi  de  il  lu,    they  attack  :  a  war  company.     332-5. 
xot  dan  tee,    it  blows  down ;  a  wind.    227-4. 
xunneuit',     it  speaks:  language.     110-10. 
dukkan,    it  is  on  edge;  a  mountain  ridge.     137-9. 
tes  deL,    they  came ;  hoar  frost.     270-5. 
tciL  wal,    he  shakes ;  the  kinaLdun  dance.     366-2. 
tcitdilye,    they  dance;  a  dance. 
tciL  tal,    he  stamps  with  his  foot ;  a  dance.    366-2. 
kaitimmiL,    he  carries  along;  a  wood-basket.    363-11. 
ken  nuw ;    thunder.    144-4. 
kisseaqot,    he  works  with  a  needle  (?)  ;  a  net-headdress. 

159-9. 

PASSIVE. 

yai  kyu  wil  fats,    they  have  been  cut  in  strips;  a  blanket  or 

dress  of  strips.     207-5. 

wil  loi,    that  which  has  been  tied ;  a  bundle.    210-3. 
Lena  wil  la,    they  have  been  laid  together;  a  fire.     109-10. 
naul  mats,    around  it  has  been  coiled;  a  coil.    151-13. 
na  xo  wil  loi,    around  him  it  is  tied ;  a  belt.     209-6. 
no  na  wit  tan,     a  long  object  placed ;  a  door  or  cover  of 

boards.     203-9. 
da  kyu  we  wit  tan ;     fishing  board. 


22  University  of  California  Publications.  OM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

talkait,     over  the  water  it  has  been  pushed;  a  fishing 

board.     119-18. 

kin nal mats,    around  it  is  coiled;  cribs  of  hazel.    191-3. 
kin na kyu wil mats,    around  it  is  coiled;  cribs  of  hazel. 

191-4. 
kit  Loi,    it  is  twined ;  a  basket.    103-7. 

COMPOUNDED  WITH  NOUNS. 

Compounds  are  formed  with  a  noun  for  the  first  element,  as 
subject,  object,  or  the  limit  of  motion  of  the  second  element,  a 
verb. 

estcinnauw,    fish-trap  (?)  it  comes  in;  a  swimming  deer. 

162-1. 
naxkekos     naduwul,     two  its  necks  waving  around;  a 

monster.    163-12. 

LC  kontc  dit  til  le,  salt  it  likes ;  wild  goose. 
Lok  yit  dit  til  le,  fish  it  likes ;  otter.  144-8. 
sa  Imtf,  they  are  put  in  the  mouth ;  food  consisting  of  the 

green  stemo  of  herbs. 

saxauw, ,  W'uid  is  put  in  the  mouth;  acorn  soup, 
na  di  yau  ki  /cc\Ve,     ueutalia  maker.     325-9. 

WITH  PREFIXES. 

Adverbial  prefixes  of  place,  instrument,  accompaniment,  and 
manner  make  substantives  out  of  verbs. 

meu  na  sit  tan,    under  it  sits ;  a  head-dress.    211-12. 

me  dil,    in  they  go ;  a  canoe.     101-12. 

miL  xo  wit  loi,    with  it  he  is  tied ;  his  belt.     120-2. 

miL  da  kit  diL  dil,     with  it  she  shakes  (?);   a  winnowing 

basket.    365-10. 

miL  tcoL  waltc,    with  it  he  chops ;  an  axe.    198-8. 
miL  kit  tuk  kutc,    with  it  he  plays  shinny ;  a  shinny  stick. 

143-5. 

miL  kyu  wo  hwal,     with  it  he  hooks;  a  hook.     106-16. 
miL  kyo  xait,    with  it  one  buys ;  money.     145-3. 
muk  kai  kit  Loi,    on  it  it  is  woven ;  hazel  basket  ribs.  290-6. 
nis  tafi  ka  kit  tuk  gow,     log  along  he   runs;    pine-martin. 

222-12. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  23 

na  wit  dits  tin  name,  in  a  circle  it  goes  around;  a  whirl 
pool.  120-3. 

nin  nu  win  na  kis  ten,  world  around  it  lies;  earthquake. 
143-16. 

xo  miik  kut  tsis  dai,    his  on  it  he  sits ;  his  stool.    292-3. 

te  kyo  xol  xiit,     from  the  water ;  a  monster.     328-4. 

tseiik  kayan  ai,    on  a  stone  he  sits ;  ground-squirrel.  222-11 

kii.  n;i  dil.     with  them  they  travel;  a  wolf.     174-7. 

WITH  SUFFIXES. 

Suffixes  of  location  furnish  names  of  places 

Lei  din,    the  flowing  together  place ;  village  at  the  junction 

of  the  main  Trinity  and  its  south  fork.    105-13. 
Le  nal  din,    the  flowing  together  a  second  time  place ;  the 

junction  of  the  Trinity  and  Klamath.     158-16. 
Nail  lit  din,     fire  runs  over  the  ground  place;  a  village 

west  of  the  Klamath  river.     158-2. 
nanatuLdifi,     the  stepping  down  place;  at  the  foot  of 

the  ladder  in  the  sweat-house.    207-2 
natetsedin,     the  pushing  back  place     Jie  sliding  door 
way.     97-17. 
Ta kirn miL din,     the  making  acorn  soup  place;  a  Hupa 

village.    104-10. 
Muk  ka  na  du  wiil  a  din,     upon  it  they  come  and  go ;  the 

beach  at  the  mouth  of  the  "Klamath,  descriptive  of 

the  surf.     355-5. 

COMPOUNDS  WITH  SUFFIXES. 

Compounds  of  noun  and  verb  also  add  the  suffixes  of  location 
to  form  place  names. 

Sa  xaim>  sai  ke  xauw  din,     soup  eating  place.     226-8. 

Djic  tail  a  din,     Djic  (*)  projects  place.     104-5. 

Tononatciii,     water's  end  toward.     243-5. 

Tse  non  a  din,    stone  end  place.     354-5. 

Tcwitc  no  nin  a  din,    wood  across  place;  place  of  fish  dam. 

353-14. 
Kl  yautt?  non  diL  din,    birds  stop  place.    199-5. 


24  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

PLUEALS. 

The  only  Hupa  nouns  which  change  their  form  to  indicate 
the  plural  are  those  which  classify  human  beings  according  to 
their  sex  and  state  in  life ;  and  terms  of  relationship. 
Only  three  instances  of  the  first  case  have  been  noted. 

keLtsan,    virgin,  maiden;  plural  keLtsun.     135-2,  138-5. 
tsum  mes  Lon,     a  fully  grown  woman ;  plural    tsum  mes- 

Lon.     98-9,  280-4. 

xuxxai,    a  child;    xuxxaix,    children.     220-10,  164-16. 
But  few  of  the  terms  of  relationship  are  found  with  plurals.1 
nikkil,    your  brother;    nikkilxai,    your  brothers.  191-13, 

191-18. 

hwittsoi,     my  grandchild;    hwit  tsoi  xai,   my   grandchil 
dren.     222-14. 
xoLtistce,    his  sister;    XOL  tis  tee  xai,    his  sisters.  208-12. 

CASES. 

To  show  possession,  the  qualified  noun  has  pronomial  ele 
ments  prefixed.  Accompanying  these  prefixes,  in  some  instances, 
there  is  an  extension  of  the  word,  by  an  added  syllable  if  the 
word  ends  in  a  consonant  or  close  vowel ;  or  by  a  vowel  making  a 
diphthong,  if  the  word  ends  in  an  open  vowel.  It  is  likely  most 
words  under  this  condition  were  once  so  extended  and  have  been 
curtailed. 

Nouns  beginning  with  L  change  that  sound  to  the  voiced  1  on 
receiving  the  prefix.2 

mil  lit  de,    their  smoke ;  Lit,    smoke.     116-1,3. 

mit  Lo  we,    its  herb  ;    Lo,    herb,  grass.    287-7,  215-5. 

mittsinne,    its  bones;  kittsifi,  something's  bones.  171-13. 

mik  kix  xak  ka,    their  nets ;    kix  xak,    a  net.    99-6. 

muwitwatde,    its  flour;     witwat,    flour.     200-3. 

muk  kut  de,    its  roots ;    kut,     a  root.     197-2. 

noliiike,    our  pets;    Lin,    a  pet,  dog.    115-2. 

no  xon  tau,    our  house ;    xon  ta,    a  house.    192-9. 

1  Compare  the  similar  limited  use  of  the  plural  aud  manner  of  its  forma 
tion  among  the  Carrier.  Kev.  Father  Morice,  Transactions  of  the  Canadian 
Institute,  Vol.  I,  No.  2,  p.  184. 

-  Kev.  Father  Morice  has  noted  similar  phenomena  among  the  Carrier. 
Trans,  of  the  Canadian  Institute,  Vol.  1,  No.  2,  p.  183. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  25 

hiril  16  ka,    my  salmon ;    Lok,    salmon.    100-6,  15. 

xolifike,     his  pet;     Lin,     a  pet.     115-11. 

xohwinne,    her  song;    hwin,    a  song.    333-9. 

xo  xon  tau,    his  house ;    xon  ta,    a  house.     117-16. 

xo  tits  e,  his  cane ;  tits,  cane.  150-8. 
There  are  several  suffixes  in  the  Hupa  language  which  might 
be  looked  upon  as  case  endings  since  they  are  not  permanent 
parts  of  the  nouns  to  which  they  are  attached,  but  indicate  vary 
ing  relations  of  position  or  direction.  These  endings  are  also 
prepositions,  but  when  they  are  used  as  prepositions  they  are 
joined  to  a  possessive  pronoun  with  which  they  form  a  word 
standing  after  the  nouns  to  which  they  relate. 

One  of  these,  -me,  indicates  position  in,  or  motion  into  a 
house,  the  interior  of  a  mountain,  a  valley,  or  an  opening  or 
glade  in  a  forest. 

Is  din  name,    a  place.     324-1. 

Yastsimme,    a  place.    270-1. 

Lo  hit1  un  me,     a  place.     299-13. 

Miifikiitme,    lake  place.     328-3. 

niL  tcwin  me,    a  feather  case.    288-3. 

hit-it  ta  dime,     my  chest.     247-14. 

Xaiyame,    a  place.    253-4. 

Xa  is  dil  me,    a  place.    300-2. 

xon  tame,    house  in.    278-8. 

xon  teL  me,    in  a  glade.    121-3.    Compare,    xon  teL  tau. 

Djeloome,    a  mountain.     299-8. 

tai  kyuit  me   sweat-house  in.     363-7. 

Tan  ai  me,     a  mountain.     300-12. 

Tseyeme,     rock  under.     280-11.      Compare,     tseyedin. 
208-6. 

Tseniiime,     a  place.     299-3. 

Kauu-  kyu  wim  me,    among  the  redwoods.    230-3. 
Place  at  which,  and  sometimes  place  toward  which,  is  ex 
pressed  by  a  noun  with  the  ending  -din. 

IL  ba  la  din,    a  place.    364-16. 

Lei  din,    a  place.    105-13. 

Lenaldiii,    a  place.    158-16. 

Littcutrdiii,    a  place.     169-1. 

An.  ARCH.  ETH.  IS,  3. 


26  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

Lok  na  sa  un  din,     a  place.     317-7. 

me  din  nun  din,     at  one  side.     361-17. 

me  tsa  xo  sin  din,    bad  places.    302-7. 

min  nin  xun  din,    by  the  sweat-house  entrance.     115-7. 

mis  xus  tun  din,    a  place.     300-8. 

mik  kin  din,     at  its  base.     287-1. 

nail  lit  din,    a  place.    158-2. 

naLtsisdin,    hanging  place.     204-3. 

nanatuLdifi,    stepping  down  place.    207-2. 

Na  de  il  tcwun  din,    a  place.     328-10. 

na  te  tse  din,    at  the  door.    98-2. 

Nil  lin  kin  din,    a  place.     271-13. 

NiL  tcwin  a  ka  din,    a  place.    157-1. 

nin  nis  an  noil  a  diii,    a  place.     115-16. 

no  na  wit  tse  diii,    by  the  door.    332-8. 

no  nin  diii,    at  our  heads.    190-5. 

No  tan  a  din,    a  place.     179-6. 

nun  dil  win  te  din,    snow  always  there  place.    328-3. 

Xas  lin  din,      a    place.      265-1.      Compare,      xas  lin  tau, 

crane.     203-14. 
XOL  tsai  diii,     in  the  dry  place.     112-6.     Compare,     XOL- 

tsai  tau. 

xon  na  din,    in  his  eye.    118-7. 
Xon  xauw  din,    a  place.    117-14. 
Xon  sa  din,    a  place.     174-1. 
xon  din,    fire  in.  109-16.  Compare,    xon  tcin,  fire  toward. 

109-15. 

xon  ta  din,    to  the  house.    210-5. 
Xoxotcdin,    a  place.     245-4. 
xo  xon  tau  din,    his  house  place.    195-7. 
xotnundin,    a  place.    244-3. 
Xot  tin  nan  din,    a  place.    198-13. 
xo  qot  din,    knee  deep.    365-11. 
Sauw  titc  diii,    a  place.    198-10. 
Sa  xauw  sai  ke  xauw;  din,     soup-eating  place.     226-8. 
Da  din  mot  din,    a  place.    300-10. 
Da  tcwin  din,  a  place.     179-1. 
Djic  tail  a  din,    a  place.     104-5. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  27 

tai  kyfm1  din,     sweat-house.     203-9. 

Ta  kim  miL  din,  a  place.     104-10. 

tin  ta  din  din,     in  the  woods.     247-3. 

TseLtcedin,    a  place.    280-2. 

Tse  non  a  din,    a  place.    354-5. 

Tse  nun  sin  din,    a  place.    102-5. 

Tse  din,    a  place.    280-10. 

Tee  in  dl  qot  diii,    a  place.    216-10. 

TciLtelnal  ladin,    a  place.    3G5-6. 

Tco  xol  tcwe  din,     a  place.     98-6. 

Tcwitc  na  nin  a  din,    a  place.    353-14. 

Kai  non  a  din,     a  place.     208-4. 

Klyaujf  nofi  diLdiri,    bird's  resting  place.     199-5. 

Ki  lai  gya  din,     a  place.     243-17. 

KiLwedin,    a  place.    354-12. 

Ki  xun  nai  ta  din,    a  place.     226-10. 

kit  ta  din,    in  the  brush.    162-9. 

KyuweLedin,    a  place.    354-8. 

kyu  wiiiya  inyan  ta  din,    a  place.     211-15. 
The  place  toward  which  is  usually  expressed  by  adding  -tcin 
to  the  noun. 

Yi  da  xo  miii  wa  tcin,     to  a  place.     208-8. 

Lo hwnm kut tcin,    Bald  Hill  (toward).    216-15. 

min  sit  da  tcin,     smoke-hole  to.     329-13. 

Mis  kut  tcin,    to  Miskut.     105-11. 

mux  xa  tee  tcin,    to  the  root.     210-1. 

nin  nis  an  non  a  tcin,    the  world 's  end.     159-14. 

nin  tcin,    toward  the  ground.     163-1. 

no  na  wit  tse  tcin,    toward  the  door.     166-1. 

Xai  ya  me  tcin,    to  Xaiyame.     267-9. 

xontatciii,    to  the  house.     97-12. 

xontciii,     fire  toward.     109-15. 

Tee  wil  lin  tcin,  to  the  mouth  of  Redwood  creek.     175-5. 
Motion  along,  beside,  or  by  the  way  of,  is  expressed  by  the 
ending    -kai    or    -ka. 

min  <a  kai,    in  (through)  the  wood  room.     182-1. 

min  tsit  da  kai,    out  of  the  smoke-hole.     158-7.     Compare, 
min  tsit  da  tcin.    329-13. 


28  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  AKCH.  ETH. 

xoi kyan  ai kai  ta,     his  arms  (along).     347-13. 
XOL  tcwil  a  kai,    a  marshy  way.     361-12. 
xon  na  de  kai  ta,     his  legs  (along)  too.     347-14. 
xon  nis  te  ka,    his  throat  down.     118-1. 
xot  tsel  kai,    from  under  his  arm.    143-4. 
xunnukka,    river  along.    211-14. 

Motion  toward,  or  position  on  a  thing  or  place,  is  expressed 
by  the  suffix  -kut,  or  -ka. 

Loka,    the  prairie  (grass  on).    150-8. 
Mi  me  da  kut,    a  place.    185-1. 
Mis  kut,    a  place.    105-4. 
X5wufikut,    a  place.     121-5. 
Xotuwaikut,    a  place.    336-1. 
denokut,    the  sky  (this  us  on).    286-12. 
Tse  tit  mil  a  kut,      a   place.      203-4.       Compare,      Tse  tit- 
mil  me.     299-11. 

TEMPOEAL  ENDINGS. 

The  fact  that  the  particular  object  referred  to  has  ceased  to 
exist,  or  has  not  yet  come  into  existence,  may  be  shown  by  end 
ings  suffixed  to  the  noun.  To  indicate  that  the  object  no  longer 
exists  in  the  relation  thought  of,  the  suffix  employed  is  -ne  en. 

medilneen,    canoes  used  to  be.     153-17. 

mit  date  ne  en,1     shells.     171-16. 

na  di  yau  ne  en,1     dentalia.     171-16. 

nin  nis  an  ne  en,  world  used  to  be  (a  hypothetical  case). 
343-14. 

nin  xos  tin  ne  en,    frost  used  to  be.    273-7. 

nik  kyu  win  ya  in  yan  ne  en,    your  child  used  to  be.  221-2. 

noleneen,    dam  used  to  be.    102-11. 

xoi  kit  Loi  ne  en,    her  basket  used  to  be.     325-1. 

xo  ut  ne  en,     his  wife  used  to  be.     187-8. 

xolinkeneen,    his  pet  used  to  be.    115-14. 

xo  16  ka  ne  en,    her  salmon  used  to  be.    100-16. 

xo  mit  ne  en,    his  belly  used  to  be.    121-10. 

xon  na  kut  to  ne  en,    his  tears  used  to  be.    338-10. 

1  In  these  cases  it  is  possession  of  the  object,  and  not  the  object  itself, 
which  ceases. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  29 

son  nin  ne  en,    his  face  used  to  be.     143-10. 

xontaneen,    house  used  to  be.     114-17. 

xo  xun  ne  en,     her  husband  used  to  be.    308-4. 

xotaneen,    father  used  to  be.    172-1. 

xokosneen,    his  neck  used  to  be.    163-18. 

te  ne  en,    blankets.     144-9. 

tsit  duk  na  we  ne  en,     fisherskin  quivers.     144-8. 

kai  tel  ne  en,    basket-plate  used  to  be.    289-15. 

kiL  La  xun  ne  en,     deer  used  to  be.     96-8. 

kim  miL  na  tul  tcu  wol  ne  en,     wildcat  used  to  be.     143-9. 

kyu  wi  yul  ne  en,    food  used  to  be.     96-8. 
That  the  object  will  exist  in  the  future,  or  the  possession  of  it 
will  come  to  pass  in  the  future,  is  expressed  by  adding  the  suf 
fix  -te. 

hwuwtete,    my  blanket  it  will  be.    204-16. 

mitLowete,    their  medicine  will  be.     121-15. 

PRONOUNS. 

PERSONAL. 

The  personal  pronouns  in  their  independent  form  are  used 
chiefly  for  emphasis  and  in  replying  to  questions.  The  incor 
poration  of  the  object  into  the  verb,  and  its  inflections  to  show 
the  subject,  reduce  the  need  of  pronouns  as  independent  words 
to  the  minimum. 

The  pronoun  for  the  first  person  singular  is  htt'e,  which 
serves  for  both  subject  and  object,  and  may  be  placed  before  a 
possessive  to  add  emphasis.  All  other  Athapascan  languages  have 
a  word  phonetically  related  to  this.  The  Tolowa  word  is  ci ;  the 
Carrier,  si;  and  the  Navaho,  ci.  The  change  of  c  or  s  to  law, 
while  rather  unexpected,  is  regular.  The  plural  of  the  first 
person  is  nehe.  It  may  be  used  of  the  speakers,  when  more 
than  one,  or  of  the  speaker  and  the  person  spoken  to.  Instead 
of  hire  and  nehe,  longer  forms,  hire  en  and  nehe  en,  often 
occur.  These  seem  to  be  formed  by  the  addition  of  the  particle 
en,  which  points  to  a  person,  contrasting  him  with  another. 
hu;e.  104-16,  151-17,  204-16. 
htt-een,  109-4,  138-14. 


30  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

nehe.     216-18,  334-6. 

neheeii.    139-3,  165-7. 

The  second  person  singular  is  expressed  by  nin,  and  the 
plural  by  no  hin,  or  no  n. 

nin.    106-9. 

no  hin.     280-5. 

It  is  to  be  thought  that  originally  there  was  no  personal  pro 
noun  for  the  third  person,  its  place  being  taken  by  the  demon 
stratives  and  by  incorporated  and  prefixed  forms.  In  speaking 
of  adult  Hupa,  when  emphasis  is  required  xon  occurs.  This 
appears  to  be  xo-,  the  incorporated  and  prefixed  form,  and  en 
mentioned  above  contracted  with  it.  No  example  of  a  third 
person  plural  occurs  in  Hupa  Texts.  When  inquired  for,  ya  xwen 
was  given.  This  is  no  doubt  x5n  of  the  singular  with  ya,  the 
sign  for  the  plural  in  the  verbs  and  elsewhere. 

xon.    96-3. 

POSSESSIVES. 

Weak  forms  of  the  personal  pronouns  are  prefixed  to  the 
qualified  noun  to  express  possession.  Hwe  and  nin  are  repre 
sented  by  hw-  and  n-,  uniting  with  a  following  vowel,  but  form 
ing  a  syllable  before  semi-vowels  and  consonants.  The  syllable 
is  completed  by  I  or  u,  before  y  and  w  respectively.  Before  con 
sonants  the  vowel  of  the  syllable  is  i,  which  is  closed  by  taking 
over  the  succeeding  consonant.  The  first  and  second  persons 
plural  are  represented  by  one  and  the  same  syllable,  no-,  which 
may  be  prefixed  in  that  form  to  any  noun.  The  third  person 
singular  has  xo-  prefixed  when  an  adult  Hupa  is  meant,  but  m-, 
receiving  the  same  treatment  as  ~hw-  and  n-  above,  when  the  ref 
erence  is  to  a  Hupa  child  or  very  aged  person,  or  to  a  person 
of  another  tribe  or  race.  For  animals  and  inanimate  things  m- 
is  also  frequently  used,  but  for  the  former  k-  seems  more  fre 
quent.  When  the  possessor  of  the  object  is  not  known  k-  is  also 
employed. 

A  reflexive  possessive  is  used  where  a  chance  for  ambiguity 
exists.  The  form  is  a  d-  with  the  second  syllable  completed,  as 
in  the  case  of  hw-  and  n-.  (Examples  of  these  possessives  are 
given  above  on  p.  14.) 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Lanyuayc.  31 

DEMONSTRATIVES. 

The  demonstratives  for  the  nearer  person  or  object,  which 
must  be  in  sight,  are  ded,  hai  dod  and  hai  de,  which  do  not  differ 
in  meaning.    The  more  remote  object  or  person,  whether  in  sight 
or  not,  is  referred  to  by  yo  or    hai  yo. 
ded,    this.    96-10,  98-3. 
haide,    this.    100-6. 
yo,    that.    151-14. 
haiyo,    that.     115-14. 

RELATIVES. 

There  are  no  words  whose  special  office  is  the  expression  of 
relation.  The  definite  article  (or  weak  demonstrative)  hai  some 
times  has  nearly  the  force  of  a  relative.  Line  12  on  page  162 
contains  a  sentence  which  has  a  relative : 

hai       tee  niii  ya  te  ne  en         xon  teL  tau        do  he  tee  nifi  yai. 
The       he  was  going  to  coyote        he  did  not  come  out. 

come  out 

Coyote,  who  was  going  to  come  out,  did  not  come  out. 
Again,  on  page  174,  line  9,  the  sentence : 
hai  un  kya  hai  tcit  tes  deL  te. 

The      he  saw  it  was        the      they  two  were  to  travel. 
He  saw  it  was  he  with  whom  he  was  to  travel. 

INTERROGATIVE. 

Questions  asking  who  are  introduced  by  dun  dan ;  those 
asking  what,  by  da  xwed  un. 

dun  dan,    who?     151-16. 
da  xwed  Cm,    what  ?    163-3. 

ARTICLE. 

The  Hupa  employ  hai  referring  to  persons  or  things,  singular 
or  plural,  in  a  manner  that  falls  between  our  use  of  that,  the 
demonstrative,  and  the  definite  article  the.  The  occasional 
use  of  hai  with  a  relative  force  has  been  mentioned  above.  It  is 
sometimes  employed  where  our  idiom  does  not  require  it.  It 
usually  occurs  before  a  possessive. 

hai    xolinke,    "the  his  pets. "     195-8. 


32  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

ADJECTIVE  PEONOUNS. 

The  following  words  usually  stand  alone,  the  persons,  or 
things  limited  by  them  being  understood  from  the  context, 
a  tin,    all.    96-8. 
atinne,    all  people.    138-6. 
a  tin  xo  un  te,    everything.     176-16. 
a  tin  din,    everyplace.    96-5,  98-4. 
a  tin  ka  un  te,    everykind.     110-10,  113-3. 
xo  dai  de  he,    anything, 
di  hwo,    something.    144-8,  117-17. 
di  hwe  e,    nothing.    153-10. 
dun  Lun  hwon,    several  people. 
dunLunhw/o,     several  things.     164-16,  176-10. 
dun  hwe  e,     nobody.     109-12. 
dun  hwo,     somebody.     107-5. 

NUMERALS. 
CAEDINALS. 

The  numerals  to  four  are  common  to  the  Athapascan  lan 
guages,  most  of  which  have  cognate  words  for  five,  also,  which  is 
dissyllabic.  From  five  to  nine  the  Hupa  numerals  are  not  easily 
analyzed.  Ten,  min  Lun,  means,  ' '  enough  for  it. ' '  The  numer 
als  above  ten  are  made  by  an  expressed  addition  for  numbers 
lying  between  the  decimal  terms ;  and  by  multiplication  for  those 
terms.  The  meaning  of  Laitdikkin,  one  hundred,  is  not  evi 
dent,  but  by  a  variation  of  the  first  syllables  the  hundreds  are 
enumerated  to  a  thousand,  or  beyond  if  necessary. 

The  terminations  of  the  cardinals  which  are  used  of  persons 
differ  from  those  used  of  things.    This  seems  to  be  brought  about 
by  the  use  of  an  old  termination,  -ni  or  -ne,  which  means  people. 
Numerals  used  of  things. 
La,    one.     98-12. 
nax,     two.     101-9. 
tak,    three.    294-8. 
dink,     four, 
tcwo  la,    five.    101-6. 
xos  tan,    six. 
xo  kit,    seven. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  33 

ke  nim,    eight, 
inukkostau,    nine, 
min  Liin,    ten.    140-9. 

min  Lim    mu  wa    na  La,    ten  by  its  side  again  one. 
minLiin    muwa    nanax,    ten  by  its  side  again  two. 
na  dim  min  Lun,    twice  ten. 
ta  kut  dim  min  Lun,    three  times  ten. 
din  kit  dim  min  Lun,    four  times  ten. 
tewo  la  dim  min  Lim,    five  times  ten. 
xos  tun  dim  min  Lim,    six  times  ten. 
xo  kit  dim  min  Lim,    seven  times  ten. 
ke  nim  dim  min  Lun,    eight  times  ten. 
muk  kos  ta  dim  min  Liin,    nine  times  ten. 
La  it  dik  kin,    one  hundred, 
na  xiit  dik  kin,    two  hundred, 
ta  kut  dik  kin,  three  hundred. 
Numerals  used  of  persons. 
Luwiifi,    one  man.     234-1. 
na  nin,    two  men.  139-2. 
takiin,     three  men.     169-1. 
din  kin,     four  men.     234-8. 
tcwolane,    five  men.    234-9. 
xos  tun,    six  men.     234-12. 
xo  kit  din,     seven  men.     235-3. 
ke  nim  min,    eight  men.    235-6. 
muk  kos  tau  win,     nine  men.     235-7. 
min  Lim,    or    minLunne,    ten  men.     207-1. 

ADJECTIVES. 

The  qualifying  adjectives  in  the  Hupa  language  are  very 
closely  linked  with  the  verbs.  They  are  fully  conjugated  like 
verbs,  indicating  by  internal  changes  the  person  and  number  of 
the  subject  qualified  and  indicating  by  changes  of  tense  whether 
the  quality  is  predicated  of  the  present,  past,  or  future.  The 
conjugation  of  the  adjective  for  convenience  of  treatment  has 
been  given  below  following  the  conjugation  of  the  verbs. 

These  adjectives  in  the  present  tense  seem  without  exception 
to  be  dissyllabic. 


34  University  of  California  Publications.  OM-  ARCH-  ETH- 

COMPARISON. 

The  superlative,  the  only  form  of  comparison  employed,  is 
expressed  by  prefixing  dad-,  the  second  syllable  being  com 
pleted  in  harmony  with  the  following  sound. 

hai    dadinnes    nintuw,    the  longest  one  bring. 

hai    da  diL  Luk  kau    niL  tuw  ne,    the  fattest  one  you  must 

bring. 

hai    da  dit  dit  sit,    the  shortest  one. 
hai    da  dik  kya  5,    the  largest  one. 

VERBS. 

CLASSIFIED. 
TRANSITIVE  AND  INTRANSITIVE. 

Most  transitive  verbs  differ  in  form  from  the  intransitive  in 
that  they  have  a  change  of  root  when  the  object  is  plural.  If 
the  object  is  an  adult  Hupa,  it  is  incorporated  in  the  form  of  the 
weak  personal  pronoun.  Many,  but  by  no  means  all,  transitive 
verbs  have  -L  immediately  preceding  the  root  but  affiliating 
itself  with  the  foregoing  syllable. 

Most  intransitive  verbs  have  an  entirely  different  root  for  a 
dual  or  plural  subject.  They  do  not  have  -L  preceding  the  root. 

CLASSES. 

When  a  large  number  of  Hupa  verbs  are  compared,  most  of 
them  are  seen  to  fall  into  two  classes,  according  to  the  presence  or 
absence  of  -L  before  the  root.  In  only  a  few  cases  it  may  be 
present  or  absent  in  words  otherwise  alike  in  form.  In  these 
cases  it  has  the  power  of  changing  by  its  presence  an  intransitive 
verb  to  a  transitive  verb.  TcittetaL  means  he  stepped  along; 
tcitteLtaL,  he  kicked  something  along.  KewiLtan  (150-12) 
means  he  put  pitch  on  the  top  of  something,  in  this  case  a  cane ; 
ke  win  tan  would  mean  that  a  bird  on  alighting  stuck  fast.  In 
a  general  way  -L  may  be  considered  the  sign  of  the  transitive. 
Its  absence  marks  the  intransitive ;  and  it  is  present  in  all  transi 
tive  verbs  except  a  large  but  well  marked  class  which  express  by 
the  root  itself  the  nature  of  the  object  affected  and  can  there 
fore  be  used  without  an  expressed  object. 

yawinxan,    he  took  up  something  of  a  liquid  or  smally 
divided  nature  which  must  be  contained  in  a  basket. 


VOL.  31     Goddard  — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  35 

ya  win  an,  he  took  up  a  round  object  as  a  stone. 

ya  win  tan,    he  took  up  a  long  object  as  a  stick. 

ya  win  fit,     he  took  up  a  cloth  or  cloth-like  object,  as  a 

blanket. 
But,  also, — 

ya  wiL  kyos,    he  took  up  a  cloth  or  cloth-like  object. 
yawiLten,    he  took  up  an  animal  (including  man)  or  an 

animal  product. 

While  it  is  quite  evident  that  in  its  past  history  this  -L  was 
in  some  way  closely  connected  with  the  transitive  forms  of  the 
verbs,  it  is  doubtful  if  at  the  present  it  has  such  a  force,  or  the 
two  forms  ya  win  ut  and  ya  WIL  kyos  could  hardly  stand  as 
synonyms.  All  that  can  be  safely  said  is  that  -L  is  associated 
with  certain  roots,  while  other  roots  are  used  without  it.  The 
last,  for  the  sake  of  convenience,  have  been  made  to  form  class  i, 
and  the  former,  containing  -L,  class  ii.1 

The  third  class  has  immediately  before  the  root  either  d-  or  -t. 
The  former  is  found  in  certain  places  in  the  conjugation  where 
it  is  the  initial  sound  in  an  inserted  syllable.  The  latter  occurs 
regularly  in  certain  cases  where  it  is  joined  to  a  syllable  already 
existing,  as  its  final  sound.  The  verbs  of  this  class  are  of  three 
kinds;  a  number  containing  certain  roots  which  never  occur 
without  the  dental  sound  which  is  the  characteristic  of  the  class, 
verbs  having  the  prefix  na-  with  the  iterative  force  of  again, 
and  all  passives  formed  from  class  i. 

The  fourth  class  has  -1  preceding  the  root.  It  is  composed 
of  a  number  of  verbs  having  roots  which  evidently  require  this 
sound  preceding,  since  they  do  not  occur  without  it,  and  all 
passives  corresponding  to  class  ii. 

VOICE. 

The  passive  voice  is  present  in  the  language,  but  not  common. 
It  is  usually  desired  and  considered  important  that  the  agent  or 
author  of  the  act  should  appear  in  the  sentence;  and  when  he 
does  so  appear,  it  is  as  the  subject  of  the  verb.  The  passive  is 
only  employed  when  the  author  of  the  act  is  unknown ;  or  some 

'Father  Morice,  in  the  work  cited,  p.  194,  has  taken  this  -L  as  the  char 
acteristic  of  one  of  his  conjugations.  He  speaks  of  it  as  a  "pronominal 
consonant. ' ' 


36  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

reason,  usually  religious,  prevents  reference  to  him.    The  passive 
is  also  used  as  a  noun. 

MODES  AND  TENSES. 

The  clear  cut  distinction  of  formal  grammar  between  modes^ 
on  the  one  hand,  and  tenses  on  the  other,  does  not  exist  in  this 
language.  There  are  special  forms  which  affirm  the  act,  and 
others  that  indicate  it  as  impossible  or  improbable.  So,  too,  there 
are  forms  for  the  past,  present  and  future,  but  one  cannot  have 
a  past  tense  of  the  Impotential  mode.  The  same  form  does  serv 
ice  as  a  present  indicative,  a  subjunctive  of  proposed  action,  and 
the  second  person  of  it  as  an  imperative.  The  following  names 
have  been  assigned  to  the  existing  forms. — Present  Indefinite, 
Impotential,  Imperative,  Customary;  and  Past  Definite,  Present 
Definite,  and  Future  Definite.  The  last  and  many  other  forms 
are  made  by  suffixes. 

Present  Indefinite. 

This  name  has  been  chosen  to  distinguish  the  present  of  wider 
use  and  less  discrimination  as  to  the  time  of  the  action  from  the 
Present  Definite,  which  affirms  a  single  act  as  being  just  com 
pleted.  The  former  is  used  of  acts  in  progress  but  not  completed 
when  such  act  consumes  appreciable  time,  or  of  acts  desired  or 
intended. 

Impotential. 

The  form  of  this  mode-tense  differs  from  the  present,  only  in 
the  nature  of  the  root  syllable  which  is  the  longer  or  stronger 
form.  It  is  used  mostly,  or  entirely,  of  future  acts  which  are 
declared  will  not  take  place  because  they  are  impossible.  The 
form  does  not  stand  by  itself  but  is  given  the  negative  sense  by 
the  usual  negative  prefix  do-  and  the  potential  force  by  a  sort 
of  auxiliary  which  means  to  be  or  become.  It  seems  possible  that 
the  form  has  been  differentiated  from  the  present  by  the  accent. 

Imperative. 

The  real  imperative  forms,  that  is,  the  second  person  singular 
and  plural,  are  identical  with  the  same  number  and  person  of 
the  present.  In  the  third  person,  forms  are  found  which  do  not 
occur  elsewhere  in  Hupa.  The  command  or  request  is  that  the 
person  spoken  to,  permit  or  compel  the  third  person  to  perform 
the  act. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  37 

Customary. 

Acts  which  are  habitual  or  repeated  are  expressed  by  means 
of  this  form.  Acts  or  conditions  which  are  thought  of  as  contin 
uous  or  nearly  so  have  forms  with  -win  fe  suffixed  to  the  present. 

Definite  Tenses. 

The  past,  present,  and  future  statement  of  particular  and  defi 
nite  acts,  or  states,  has  forms  for  their  expression  closely  related 
to  each  other  and  distinctly  set  off  from  the  foregoing.  The  past 
differs  from  the  present  in  the  form  of  the  root,  which  is  longer 
and  often  varies  its  termination.  This  is  due  perhaps  to  a  sort 
of  accent,  which  seems  to  consist  mostly  in  dwelling  on  the  syl 
lable  for  a  longer  time.  The  future  is  formed  from  the  present 
by  the  suffixes,  -te,  or  -teL. 

PERSON   AND  NUMBER. 

Besides  the  usual  three  numbers  there  is  found  in  Hupa  a 
second  form  for  the  third  person  which  is  used  when  referring 
to  a  Hupa  child,  or  very  aged  person ;  or  to  the  members  of  other 
tribes,  or  races,  and  to  animals.  Intransitive  verbs  and  the  pass 
ive  voice  of  transitive  verbs  have  in  the  third  person  three  num 
bers, — the  singular;  the  dual,  which  differs  from  the  singular 
only  in  its  having  the  plural  form  of  the  root;  and  the  plural, 
which  differs  from  the  singular  in  having  the  syllable  ya  infixed 
or  prefixed.  The  active  voice  of  transitive  verbs  does  not  have  a 
change  of  root,  and  therefore  no  dual.  In  the  first  person  of  all 
verbs  the  dual  form  seems  to  have  pretty  nearly  superseded  the 
plural.  The  plural  form  can  be  used  if  it  is  desired  to  do  so. 
The  form  is  made  by  introducing  ya,  which  often  becomes  yu 
because  it  is  followed  in  many  cases  by  n  in  the  same  syllable.1 

STRUCTURE  OF  THE  VERBS. 

The  verb  in  Hupa,  as  in  other  Athapascan  languages,  pre 
sents  many  difficulties.  It  contains  in  itself  all  the  elements  of 
the  sentence.  Xa  na  is  di  ya  de,  "if  she  conies  back  up,"  has 
first,  an  adverbial  prefix,  xa-,  denoting  that  the  motion  is  up 
the  side  of  a  hill,  in  this  case  the  river  bank ;  next,  is  found  the 

'According  to  Father  Morice,  the  Carrier  have  a  dual  only  in  the  first 
person.  Work  cited,  p.  190. 


38  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  AKCH.  ETH. 

particle  -na-,  having  an  iterative  force,  showing  that  the  act  is 
done  a  second  time,  in  this  case  it  is  only  meant  to  show  that  the 
path  from  the  river  is  passed  over  a  second  time ;  the  syllable  -is- 
shows  by  the  consonant  it  contains  that  the  act  is  thought  of  as 
progressing  over  the  surface  of  the  ground.  Had  the  act  been 
considered  as  being  begun  and  not  requiring  progression,  the 
syllable  -win-  would  have  been  employed.  Yawinxan,  "she 
picked  up  a  basket  of  water.  But  if  the  act  had  been  thought 
of  in  its  completion  the  syllable  would  have  been  -nin-.  No  nin- 
xan,  "she  put  down  a  basket  of  water.  These  three  syllables, 
-is-,  -win-,  and  -nin-,  occur  only  in  the  case  of  single  defi 
nite  acts. 

The  fact  that  s  following  i  forms  a  syllable  by  itself,  indi 
cates  that  the  action  is  thought  of  as  performed  by  an  adult 
Hupa.  Had  the  act  been  thought  of  in  connection  with  a  child, 
an  aged  person,  or  one  of  another  tribe  or  race,  the  s  would  have 
been  united  with  the  preceding  syllable  na.  There  is  in  this 
form  of  the  verb  nothing  to  show  its  person.  The  second  person 
singular  would  be  xa  na  sin  di  ya  de,  in  which  -in  of  the  third 
syllable  would  indicate  the  person  and  number.  Tjtie  infixed 
syllable  -di-,  of  which  d  is  the  essential  part,  usually  follows  the 
iterative  infix  na,  the  two  being  equivalent  to  English  "back 
again."  The  next  to  the  last  syllable,  -ya-,  may  be  called  the 
root,  since  it  defines  the  kind  of  act.  It  is  used  of  the  locomotion 
of  a  single  human  being  on  his  feet  at  a  walk.  Had  this  verb 
been  in  the  plural,  the  root  would  have  been  -deL.  Had  the 
pace  been  more  rapid,  -La  would  have  been  employed.  The 
final  syllable  indicates  a  future  contingence.  Had  it  been  viewed 
as  a  future  certainty,  -te  would  have  been  employed. 

The  Hupa  verb  is  modified  in  various  ways,  as  has  been  seen 
from  the  preceding  example. 

First. — By  prefixed  and  infixed  syllables,  the  direction  of  the 
motion  in  space,  its  manner  and  purpose,  whether  repeated  or 
not  in  time,  and  whether  conceived  as  continuous,  beginning,  or 
completed  is  expressed. 

Second. — By  the  inflection  of  the  syllable  preceding  the  root, 
the  person  and  number  of  the  subject  is  indicated. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  39 

Third. — By  variations  in  the  form  of  the  root,  is  shown  the 
number  of  the  subject  in  transitive  verbs;  the  object  in 
intransitive  verbs;  and  also  whether  the  act  or  state  is  one  and 
definite  in  time,  or  repeated  and  continuous.  Certain  roots,  since 
they  apply  only  to  certain  class  of  object  or  kinds  of  actions, 
show  by  their  inherent  meaning  the  nature  of  the  object  affected. 

Fourth. — By  syllables  suffixed  to  the  root,  the  action  may  be 
further  limited  as  to  its  time,  continuance,  or  likelihood. 

It  will  be  realized  that  by  so  many  means  of  modification  the 
possible  number  of  verb  forms  is  very  great.  There  are,  in  fact, 
a  very  large  number  employed.  Their  number  is  limited,  of 
course,  by  the  logic  and  necessity  of  their  use. 

The  structure  of  the  verb  will  be  treated  in  the  order  given 
above. 

PREFIXES  AND  INFIXES. 

ADVERBIAL  PREFIXES  OF  PLACE  AND  DIRECTION. 
Adverbial  prefixes  showing  the  position  of  persons  or  things  at 
rest,  and  the  place,  limit,  or  origin  of  motion. 

Ya-  is  used  of  the  position  of  one  sitting,  of  picking  things 
up  from  the  ground,  and  of  motion  wholly  or  partly  through 
the  air,  as  the  carrying  of  objects  and  the  flight  of  birds.  The 
primary  meaning  seems  to  be,  "in  the  air,  above  the  surface  of 
the  ground." 

A)  Relating  to  the  sitting  position. 

ya  a  a,    he  sat.    150-8. 

yaim>  hwai,    I  have  been  sitting  here.    174-12. 

ya  wes  a,    she  sat  up.    301-2. 

ya  win  a,     sitting.     162-11. 

ya  wiii  a  hit,    when  he  sat.    174-6. 

yawineL,    they  were  sitting    181-8. 

yan  a,    sitting.     110-14. 

yanawesa,    he  sat  down.    165-17. 

ya  na  win  ai,    he  sat  down.    136-6. 

ya  ta  a  ei,    he  commenced  to  sit  up.     136-8. 

da  ya  win  ai,    he  was  sitting.    360-6. 

da  ya  win  a  ye,    someone  sitting  was.    337-2. 

da  ya  win  a  ye,    someone  fishing.    119-16. 

da  ya  wes  a,    he  sat  down.    138-3. 


r  R> 


40  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

dayanawesa,    it  sat  there.    144-11. 
da  ya  na  win  ai,     sitting.     162-2. 

The  following  two  are  used  of  material  things,  but  seem  to 
belong  here. 

ya  na  me  da  a,    it  loomed  up.     121-11. 

ya  na  me  du  win  a,     (ashes)  piled  up.     187-9. 

B)   Used  of  picking  up  from  the  ground  a  person  or  thing. 
yaawuw,    he  always  takes  on  his  back.    195-6. 
yailluw,    he  picked  up  (a  woodpecker  head).    292-14. 
yauwtuw,     let  me  pick  it  up.     286-11. 
ya  ya  kin  en,    they  packed  up.     164-4. 
yawiLtennei,     she  picked  him  up.     287-3. 
yawiLkyos,    he  picked  up.    293-6. 
ya  wim  meL,    he  took  them  up.    142-4. 
ya  wifi  an,    he  picked  up  (a  stone).    342-1. 
ya  \vinxan,    he  picked  it  up  (a  basket  of  water).     337-6. 
ya  win  tan,    he  took.     108-18. 
ya  win  tun  hit,    when  he  picked  it  up.    202-6. 
ya  wi  xauw  hwiL  te,    he  will  take  it  up.     295-17. 
ya  luw,    he  picked  it  up.    292-15. 
ya  nauw  tuw,    I  will  pick  up.     286-9. 
ya  na  wil  lai,    she  picked  it  up.    307-6. 
yanawintan,    he  picked  it  up.    112-11,    341-13. 
yanakeuwuw,    he  used  to  pack  up.    237-7. 
ya  na  kil  lai,    he  took  in  his  hand.    337-7. 
ya  na  kin  en,    he  packed  up.     238-3. 
yatexan,     he  picked  up.     109-16. 

c)   The  following  seem  to  imply  vertical  motion. 
yaiimmil,    it  kicked  up  (its  legs).    290-2. 
ya  yai  wim  meL  tsu,     he  heard  them  kick  up  their  legs. 

342-14. 
ya  wil  lai  hit,    when  he  opened  his  eyes ;  when  he  lifted  his 

eyelids.    347-5. 

ya  wil  ton,    he  jumped  up.     165-9. 
yawiLkas,    he  threw  up.    96-3. 

ya  win  na  hjriL  de,    if  it  raises  up  (the  ocean) .    11 7-10. 
ya  wit  xus  sil  lei,    it  flew  up.    294-15. 


VOL.  31    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  41 

ya  wit  qot,    he  jumped  up.    329-13. 

yai  ton  ei,    it  jumped  off.    163-18. 

ya  na  it  xus,    it  kept  flying  up.    113-1. 

yanauw  din,    the  going  up  place  (said  of  the  sun).  195-6. 

yafiyai,    the  sun  was  up.    308-3. 

yanxutsei,    it  flew  up.    271-2. 

D)   Of  horizontal  motion  through  the  air. 

a  dii.ya  kiLqotc,     he  threw  himself  with  it.     202-3 

ya  auw  hwei,    he  held  it  out.     166-5. 

yai  wa  au?r  wiL  °x,    it  increased  in  blowing.     324-6. 

yaitqot,     it  always  dodged.     286-11. 

yawiLwaL,    he  threw  (through  the  air).    362-8. 

yawimmas,    he  rolled  over.     112-15. 

ya  win  en,    he  carried.     210-4. 

ya  win  kutc,     he  threw.     143-15. 

ya  wit  qot,     he  tumbled.  118-15. 

ya  wurixutssillen,     he  nearly  flew.     176-13. 

yanawiiien,    she  carried.     172-1. 

ya  na  wit  qot,    he  jumped.    329-15. 

yanatxutsei,    he  flew  away.     113-10. 

ya  nat  dje  u,    they  came  back.     301-15. 

yaxoLten,    he  has  taken  him.     151-4. 

ya  xon  its,    he  shot.    166-8. 

ya  xos  meL,    he  whipped  him.    164-3. 

yat  qot,    it  dodged.    286-10. 

ya  ke  wim-  hwei,    he  used  to  carry  it  away.    162-4. 

ya  kin  wuif,    carry  it.     105-18. 

ya  kin  wen  ne,    he  had  carried  it  off.    163-4. 

Ya-  seems  sometimes  to  carry  the  meaning  of  the  object's 
being  reduced  to  many  pieces. 

yai  kvu  wil  fats,    blanket  of  strips.     207-5. 

ya  na  is  kil,    he  split.    142-3,  210-2. 

ya  na  kyu  wiL  tsil  HL  te,     they   (one)   may  split.     109-8. 

ya  na  kis  dim  mil  lei,    she  smashed  it.     152-16. 

Ye-  is  used  of  motion  into  houses,  beds  of  streams,  and  space 
however  slightly  inclosed,  and  also  into  smaller  objects,  as  canoes 
and  baskets. 

AM.  ARCH.  ETH.  3,  4. 


42  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  ETH. 

A)  Of  a  house. 

ye  in  yauw,    they  always  go  in.    305-9. 

yewesa,    was  in.     153-10. 

ye  win  ya,    come  in.    305-8. 

ye  win  ya  ye  xo  lun,    had  gone  in.     118-5. 

ye  wit  qot,    it  fell  in.     136-3. 

yenaidiL,     let  us  go  in.     210-13. 

yenaitdaim1,    he  used  to  go  in.     288-6. 

ye na will os,    she  dragged  in.    190-2. 

yenawilLat,    she  ran  in.    136-1. 

yenawityai,     he  went  in.     98-15. 

ye  na  wit  ya  hit.    when  he  went  in.    118-6. 

yenawityate,    she  will  go  in.    311-15. 

ye  nal  Lat,    she  ran  in.    329-8. 

ye  nan  deL,    they  came  back  in.     301-16. 

yenundaim1,    come  in.    98-17. 

ye  xon  ml  hit,    when  they  ran  in.    169-11. 

yexotaan,    they  ran  in.     238-9. 

ye  tee  il  luw,    he  used  to  take  in.    288-2. 

ye  tcit  teL  kait,    one  after  the  other  he  stuck  in.    322-2. 

ye  tcit  te  deL,    they  went  into.    142-9. 

ye  tcu  wiL  da,    she  carried  in.     191-13. 

ye  tcu  win  yai,    he  went  in.    97-3. 

yetcuwifixan,     she  brought  in.     209-10. 

ye  tcu  win  deL,    they  went  in.    278-4. 

ye  kiL  tseL,    she  passed  in  the  water.    111-9. 

ye  kin  nen  din,    light  shone  in.    308-3. 

ye  kyu  wes  tee,    the  wind  blew  in.    270-4. 

doyeinnamf,     (no  one)  ever  comes  in.     329-4. 

doyeindil,    never  come  in.     305-10. 

do  ye  na  wit  yai,    he  did  not  come  in.    238-12. 

B)  Of  a  mountain,  spoken  of  as  Jiottow. 
ye  I  yoL,    she  blew  in.    302-8. 

ye  6  ditc  dje  ne,     run  in.     299-13. 
ye  yu  wiL  kit  de  te,    will  go  there.    301-9. 
ye  wit  dje  u,    they  went  in.     299-14. 
yetcuwillai,    he  took  them  in.    301-7. 


VOL.  31    Ooddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  43 

ye  tcu  W!L  tin  de,    if  they  will  take  them  in.    302-7. 
ye  kyu  wes  tee  te,    the  smoke  will  blow  in.     301-8. 
c)   Of  entering  the  bed  of  a  stream. 
yetcu  winyai,    he  went  np.     101-8. 
yeyaxolai,    they  took  them.     179-12. 
ye  ya  xo  la  yei,    they  took  them.    179-9. 
yewindeLte,    they  will  go.     255-3. 
ye  na  wiL  men,    he  made  it  swim  in.    266-2. 

D)  Of  landing,  with  a  canoe  or  otherwise. 
yewitkait,    he  landed.     140-1. 
yewitkaite,     (a  canoe)  will  come.     209-3. 
ye  wit  kait  din,    landing  place.    140-2. 
yenawiLkait,  she  landed.     135-12. 

yenin  dil  linye,    had  washed  ashore.     267-12. 
ye  tcu  wh,taLei,    they  landed.    362-5. 

E)  Of  broad  spaces. 

ye  e  il  ton  xo  Ian,     (birds)  used  to  jump  in.     117-17. 
yeyinneyot,     (dogs)  drove  by  barking.     321-5. 
yenawodeLte,     you   will  travel   in    (the   underworld). 

361-12. 

yenaxoLwaL,    he  threw  him  (under  a  basket.).     106-13. 
yetcinnauw,     they   will    come    in    (the   dancing-place). 

231-6. 

ye  tcu  win  ya,    they  came  in.    231-4. 
yekiLtaL,    they  began  to  dance.     179-2. 

E)  Of  a  canoe. 

ye  in  tuL  ne,    you  must  step  in.    209-2. 
yeweyate,    I  am  going  into  it.     314-3. 
ye  na  wil  de  ton,    she  jumped  in.     135-11. 
ye  tcu  wiL  ten  nei,     he  took  him  in.     222-8. 
ye  tcu  win  ya  din,    in  entering.    140-2. 

F)  Of  a  basket  or  small  object. 

yenawiLten,    she  put  it  in  (a  basket-cradle).     136-5. 
yetceibkas,    he  threw  (into  a  basket).    288-7. 
yetcuwiLten,    she  put  it  in  (a  basket  cradle).    289-17. 
yetcu  wiL  to,    he  slipped  them  (one  into  the  other).  329-1. 
yetcuwimmeL,    they  put  into  (a  storage  basket).    200-5. 


44  University  of  California  Publications.   [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

ye  tcu  win  tan,    he  put  in  (his  quiver) .    96-13. 

yekiLwis,    he  bored  a  hole.     197-3. 

Wa-    seems  to  mean  through,  with  verbs  of  cutting  and  burn 
ing. 

wa  kin  nil  lit  xo  Ian,    they  were  burned  through.    119-3. 

wa  kin  nin  tats,    he  cut  through. 

wa  kin  nin  seL  xo  Ian,    was  heated  through  he  saw.  329-16. 
Compare, 

wun  dim  mil,     going  through.     144-3. 

wun  dim  mil  lei,     it  went  through.     144-2. 

yu  wun  dim  mil  lei,    went  through.     211-5. 
Wa-    is  employed  with  verbs  of  handing  or  giving  something 
to  a  man  or  animal. 

wai  e  xus  sei,    he  threw  at  her.    333-1. 

wai  iL  tuw,    he  always  gave.    136-12. 

waimmil,    he  always  distributes  them.     195-8. 

miL wa ya kin  dil  lai,     they  traded  with  them,  "with  they 
handed  each  other."    200-4. 

nu  wa  me  neL  tewit  te,    I  will  loan  you.    356-6. 

miwananelate,    I  will  loan  you.     356-7. 

nu  wa  nel  la  te,    I  will  give  it  to  you.    353-7. 

hwni  wa  met,  tcwit  te,     lend  me.     296-11. 

Im'u  wa  miL  tcwit,    loan  me.     326-7. 

hw;u  wun  tuw,    hand  me.    278-7. 

xowaiLda,    she  handed  her.     181-13. 

xo  wain  tan,    he  gave  him.    211-1. 

xdwayaintan,    they  gave  him.     144-14. 

xo  wa  ya  tel  lai,    they  gave  them.     198-8. 

xo  wa  me  neL  tcwit  te,    I  will  loan  him.    356-17. 

xo  wa  tcil  lai,    he  gave  away.     103-7. 

xo  wa  tcm  xan,    to  her  she  gave.     246-12. 

xwaiLkit,    she  gave  him  to  eat.    98-11. 

xwayaiLldt,    they  gave  him.     110-5. 

xwayakiLkit,    she  fed  them.     192-11. 

do  hum  wun  nu  wit  lai  he,    don 't  to  me  bring  them.  230-13. 

kyuwanaiLtmc,    he  who  gives  back.     241-4. 
Le-    has  the  general  meaning  of  the  converging  or  nearness  of 
objects.     It  has  the  special  meaning  of  building  a  fire  from  the 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  4f> 

placing  together  of  sticks.     It  is  also  employed  of  completing  a 
circle  or  a  circuit  in  traveling. 

A)  Of  things  brought  together  and  of  people  meeting. 
ya  Le  da  a  din,    the  corner.     286-1 . 

LC  il  loi ,    he  ties  together.    334-12. 

Le  in  nauw,    they  came  together.     305-2. 

Leyakixolau,    he  gathered  the  people.     151-7. 

Le  ye  tcu  win  yeuw,    he  jammed  in.    143-10. 

LC  na  is  loi,     he  tied  together.     210-5. 

Le  na  ya  kyu  wil  lau,    they  have  gathered  up.    171-12. 

Le  nal  ditc  tcwifi  xolan  din.     it  had  grown  together  place. 

281-15. 

LenaneLno,    he  placed  on  end  (in  a  circle).    235-12. 
LC  na  de  eL,    were  joined.    347-4. 
Le  na  kil  la  ne,    gather  together.     192-8. 
Le  na  kil  du  hwot,    it  grew  back  on.    164-1. 
LeneLte,    let  us  meet.    174-3. 
Le  nu  wil  nes,    met  together.    215-6. 

Lenulditctcwennexo  liiii,     it  had  grown  together.  113-8. 
LenunduwaL,    it  shut.     108-16. 

Compare,    Le  du  wil  lu,    he  had  killed  several.    165-16. 
LedeeLta,    in  a  corner.    270-5. 
Lekixola,    gather  people.    151-5. 
Le  kin  niL  yets  te,    to  tie  together.     151-10. 
Linyate,    they  will  come  together.     295-1. 

B)  In  the  special  sense  of  building  a  fire. 
Lenaiyundillate,    we  will  keep  a  fire  burning.     169-6. 
Lenailluir,    she  started  a  fire.     153-1. 

Le  nauir  dil  la,    I  have  a  fire.    351-6,  355-14. 
Le  na  wil  la,    a  fire.    170-9. 
Le  na  luw,    he  built  a  fire.     235-14. 
Le  na  nil  lai,    he  built  a  fire.    120-10. 
Le  na  nil  la  xo  Ian,    a  fire  he  had  built  he  saw.    186-3. 
Lena  nil  late,    you  will  build  a  fire.    356-4. 
Le  na  nil  la  te,    he  will  build  a  fire.    258-2. 
do  Le  na  nel  la,    I  do  not  build  a  fire.    355-14. 
c)   Of  completing  a  circuit. 

Lenaindiyai,    he  completed  the  circuit.     220-8. 


46  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

Lenaindiyate    sillen,     he  got  nearly  around.     220-6. 
Lenaitdauw?,    he  used  to  make  the  rounds.     336-7. 
LenaniLten,    he  took  it  all  the  way  around.    293-10. 
Le  na  nin  deL  ei,    they  went  clear  around.    102-1. 
Me-    seems  to  have  the  meaning  of  position  at ;  or  motion  to, 
against,  or  along  the  surface  of  something. 

A)  Of  climbing  a  steep  kill  or  a  tree. 
meisLadei,    he  ran  up.    217-16. 
menaisdiyai,     he  climbed.     103-12. 

me  na  ya  is  deL,    they  started  back.    208-16. 
me  sit  te  deL,    they  went  along  up.    198-13. 
me  sit  te  deL,    they  moved  up.     216-15. 

B)  Of  landing,  coming  against  the  shore  or  a  fixed  point. 
menanillai,    they  landed.    215-11. 

menemen,    he  landed  him.    162-9. 

menillayei,    they  landed.    216-13. 

me  na  nil  la  yei,    they  arrived.  116-8. 

me  nun  di  yai,  years,  said  of  the  sun's  arrival  at  a  certain 
point  in  its  yearly  journey  up  and  down  the  moun 
tain  ridges.  145-7. 

ml  nil  la  yei,    the  waves  came  ashore.     362-4. 

minyai,     it  was  nearly  time.     286-6. 

c)   Of  sticking  or  tying,  or  of  being  stuck  or  tied,  against  a 
surface. 

me  il  loi,    he  used  to  tie  on  feathers.    288-3. 

me  it  tan,    he  stuck  to  it.     202-3. 

me  win  tan  ne,    he  stuck  to  it.     202-7. 

mil  loi  ne,    you  must  feather.    207-4  (arrows). 

D)   Of  bringing  something  to,  or  pushing  it  against  a  surface. 
me  WIL  waL,    he  beat  on.    315-1. 
me  na  niL  tcwit,     he  pushed  it.     106-13,  163-16. 
me  niL  tcwit,    he  pushed  it.    106-2. 
me  niL  tcwit,    he  put  aside.     234-8. 
me  xo  niL  tcwit,    something  pushed  him.     109-13. 
me  du  WIL  a,    she  put  the  ends  in  the  fire.    242-11. 
miL  tcwit,    push  it.     105-18. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Ilupa  Language.  47 

E)   Of  bringing  steam  or  heat  against  something  to  be  cooked. 

mewitdilnate,    we  will  steam  it.    241-11. 

menawiLnaei,    he  steamed  them.     342-12. 
What  seems  to  be  the  same  prefix  used  in  a  figurative  sense 
appears  in  the  following. 

A)  Of  speaking  and  singing. 

meyaduwil  wauu-,    they  began  to  talk  about  it.    265-1. 

me  ya  kyu  wiL  tel,     they  sang.     234-1. 

menakyu  wiLtu,    they  sang  again.     238-15. 

medilwauw;,    they  talked  about.    340-5. 

me  dil  wauw  ta,    they  talked  about  places.    340-12. 

me  kyu  wiL  tel,    singing.     235-4. 

me  kyu  WIL  tu,    he  sang.     234-6. 

B)  Of  watching. 

me  luw,    watching.     204-6. 

me  luir  °x,    he  watched  it.    205-2. 

me  \uw  te,    I  am  going  to  watch  it.    292-9. 

me  nai  luw  te,    I  will  watch  them.    258-10. 

me  nauw  \uw  te,    I  will  watch.    267-17. 

mutt1  luw  te,    I  will  watch.    218-3. 
c)   Of  finishing. 

meneLxe,    I  finish.    260-15. 

me  neL  xe  teL,    I  am  finishing.    260-4. 

meniLxe,     he  finished  it.     296-8. 
D)   Of  desiring. 

me  du  win  tcwen,     he  was  hungry  for.     99-1. 

me  duw  tcwiii,    I  want.    254-12. 

do  me  duw  tcwiii,     I  don 't  want.     253-5. 
Unclassified. 

me  nai  yi  yauw,    they  eat  it  down.    356-13. 

me  nai  yl  yauu1  e  xo  Ian,     it  will  be  eaten  down.    356-11. 

me  na  iL  kya,    she  wore  for  a  dress.    332-10. 

me  na  tcwil  HL  te,     it  will  settle.     117-11. 
Me-    appears  with  much  the  same  meaning  as    ye-,    except 
that  it  usually  refers  to  position  in  something,  while     ye-     is 
employed  of  motion  into. 

me  nin  sis  deL,    in  it  they  danced.    216-5. 

menonillai,     in  she  took.     307-2. 


48  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

menonifian,    he  put  inside.     328-13. 

me  sa  M,    was  in  it.    243-15. 

me  sit  dit  tetc,    in  we  would  be  lying.    190-4. 

me  sit  tin  te,     in  they  lie.     307-11. 

me  sit  tun,    was  in  it.     243-9. 

metsisyen,    who  stands  in.     195-11. 

metsistetc,    they  lie  in.    306-8. 

me  tee  ya  niL  to,    they  skinned  him.    328-5. 

domesaun,     (nothing)  was  in  it.    243-9. 
Na-     is  used  of  indefinite  motion  over  the  surface  of  the 
ground  or  water;  and  of  position  on  the  earth's  surface.     The 
primary  meaning  may  be  ' '  horizontal. ' ' 

A)   Of  motion  over  the  surface  of  the  ground. 

naaa,    he  always  has  (said  to  mean  he  always  carries  it). 
257-4. 

na  I  ya,    she  used  to  go.    135-2. 

naiLits,    it  is  running  around.     294-4. 

na  iL  te  Qx,    she  carried  it.    290-6. 

na  in  nel  le  xo  Ian,    he  played,  he  saw.    186-1. 

na  in  deL,    they  went.    266-9. 

naisits,    she  ran  different  places.     185-6. 

na  is  ya,  he  walked  around.     157-9. 

na  is  ya  te,    he  goes.    307-13. 

na  is  deL,    they  had  traveled.     181-15. 

na  is  diL  Lat,  she  ran.    185-6. 

na  is  te,    he  carried  it  around.    282-4. 

naistsii,    he  rolled  about.     119-4. 

na  it  dil,    who  go  around.    305-9. 

na  ya  wit  dil,    they  went  along.    172-1. 

nawaye,    he  goes  around.    231-9. 

na  wa  ne  djox,  while  walking.    276-1. 

na  we  nel  le  xo  lun,    he  had  been  playing.     292-13. 

na  na  is  ya  e  xo  Ian,    she  could  walk.     276-11. 

nanaLits,    it  running  around.     295-10. 

na  na  kis  le,    he  felt  around.    106-5. 

nahwa,    I  will  walk.     164-6. 

na  xo  teL  tcwo  ig,     he  swept.     210-12. 

na  xo  tes  an,    they  ran  around.    341-4. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard.— Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  49 

na  xus  din  na  tsu,    moving  she  heard.    191-12. 
nasete,    I  will  go.    137-14,139-10. 
nasinyate,    you  will  travel.    356-2. 
nas  its  ei,    it  ran  around.    294-3. 
nas  ya  yei,    it  commenced  to  walk.    136-9. 
nas  deL,    they  began  to  walk.     180-16. 
nasdukqot,     it  tumbled  about.     136-4. 
nasqol,    it  crawled  around.    294-1. 
na  diL  te,    they  will  travel.    107-7. 
nateLditdauw,    he  ran.     100-13. 
nateLten,    he  took  it  along.    282-3. 
na  tse,    rolling  around.    157-4. 
natciLtsiL,    moving  as  he  sat.     171-6. 
na  ka  xas  dan  na  tsu,    someone  moving.     165-18. 
na  kis  deL,    they  came  around.    200-2. 
na  kis  qot,    he  pushed  a  stick.     145-12. 
nakisqotte,    he  is  going  to  poke.    192-9. 
donawa,     (nobody)  going  about.     166-2. 
donahjrai,    I  have  never  been.    336-11. 
do  nas  do,    they  won't  dodge.    258-13. 
B)   Of  horizontal  motion  on  or  under  the  surface  of  water. 
na  a  xa,    fills  it,  floats  on  its  surface.    310-8. 
naaxaei,    fills  it.    311-5. 
nai  me,     I  swim  in.     311-11. 
naismennei,     he  made  it  swim.     266-1. 
naiiii  me,    let  me  swim.     97-15. 
nawimme,    he  swam.    209-13. 
nala,    floating.    243-8. 
na  lane  en,     floating  used  to  be.     243-12. 
na  lat  dei,    it  was  floating.     243-17. 
nanalatdei,    it  was  floating.     244-9. 

c)   With  the  meaning  of  living,  derived  from  the  preced 
ing  (a  and  b). 

nai  ya  din,    I  live  place.    231-5. 

na  wa,    were  there.    209-3. 

na  wa  °x,    stayed.    166-14. 

na  win  ya  yei  din,     he  had  lived  time.     336-7. 

nalu,    which  live  (said  of  fish).     100-7. 


50  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

na  nai  ya  te,    I  am  going  to  live.    218-2. 
na  nan  dil  HL  te.    they  will  live.     343-13. 
nanasinyate,    you  will  be.    353-8. 
nanasdeLte,    they  will  be.     228-2. 
nanibne,    how  must  they  live.    317-1. 
nasdeLte,    they  will  stay.     253-4. 
nadil,    were  living  (in  water,  said  of  fish).    100-7. 
na  dil  le,    they  are.    211-13. 
nadiL,    they  living.    321-3. 
na  diL  ne  en,    that  used  to  live.    204-15. 
donawate,    will  not  live.    257-11. 

D)   Of  marking,  cutting,  or  rubbing  the  surface  of  the  body. 
na  iuw  LU,    I  paint.     247-12. 
nai  deL  do,    he  cut  him.     164-3. 
na  ya  de  it  till,    they  used  to  drag  their  feet.    207-3. 
nanaiuwme,     I  bathe  it.     247-1. 
nanaime,     I  bathe.     311-8. 
nanaimmeei,    who  always  bathed.     311-8. 
naneLwaL,     he  struck.     163-17. 
na  niL  deL,    he  struck.     120-4. 
nanibkis,    he  cut  him.     164-1. 
naxowiLme,    he  bathed  him.     187-12. 
nadeLii,    she  marked  across.    311-13. 
nadeLwaL,    he  put  it  (on  him  as  paint).    114-5. 
E)   Of  a  position  of  rest,  lying  or  sitting  on  the  ground. 
nawilyeuw,    he  rested.     119-14. 
nanesindai,    you  sat  down.    351-1. 
nanesdai,    she  sat  down.     136-2. 
na  nu  win  tu  hw;iL  ne,    you  must  lie.     343-12. 
nasaunte,    will  lie.    226-9. 
na  del  tse,    they  stayed.    102-3. 
nadeLtse,     are  living.     217-8. 
na  tcil  yeuw  sa  an  diil,     resting  place.     363-3. 
na  tcil  yeuw  din,    resting  place.     347-3. 
xo  tcin  na  sil  lai,    she  was  dressed  in,  "on  her  they  lay." 

164-9. 

do  nauw  ai,    I  do  not  wear.    247-15. 
do  na  sil  kas,    was  left.     192-16. 


VOL.  31    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  51 

p)  Of  trees  and  other  objects  standing  upright  from  the  sur 
face  of  the  ground.  In  this  case  na  is  followed  by  a  syllable 
beginning  with  d. 

na  na  du  wa  al,    rose  up.    103-13. 

na  na  du  win  a,    stands.     364-14. 

na  na  du  win  eL,    they  stuck  up.     106-14. 

na  da  a,    stood.    150-8. 

na  da  ai,    stands  in  the  river.     244-12. 

na  da  ai,    standing.    100-8. 

na  du  win  a,  it  stood  up.     158-6. 

na  du  win  a,    smoke  came  out.     197-5. 

na  du  win  a  ei,    stand  up.    243-6. 

ua  du  win  a  te,  it  will  stick  up.    204-2. 

na  du  wiii  eL,    they  stuck  up.    106-3. 

Na-,  or,  nana-  expresses  motion  downward  or  toward  the 
earth.  The  second  na  may  be  the  iterative  particle,  since  what 
ever  or  whoever  comes  down  must  previously  have  gone  up. 

na  e  I  ya,    it  used  to  rain.    229-2. 

nailiuw,     (tears)  dropping.    337-14. 

na  il  tsit,    falls.    275-3. 

na  il  tsit  te    e  il  lu,     would  drop.     104-11. 

na  in  xut,    dropped  down.    115-14. 

na  is  xut,    he  tore  down.    104-8. 

na  61  iuw,    drops  first.     115-12. 

na  ya  is  xut,    they  tore  down.    267-8. 

naweslenei,    it  falls.     104-1. 

nawintau,    it  will  settle  down.    273-7. 

na  wit  xus  iL,    he  is  falling.     152-5. 

nal  iuu;  te,    will  drop.     115-13. 

nal  tsit,    fell  down.    145-2. 

naneedauw,     (sun)  goes  down.    364-4. 

nanaitdauw,     (sun)  gone  down.    104-10. 

na  nauir  daL  din,    gone  down  time.    322-9. 

na  na  ya  wil  lai,     they  turned  down  (their  heads).   139-1. 

na  na  wiL  kyos,    he  took  it  down.    204-4. 

nana  win  an,    he  had  taken  down.    176-10. 

na  na  win  un  xo  lufi,    he  had  taken  down.     176-17. 

na  na  win  tan,    he  took  down.     97-16. 


52  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

na  na  wit  yai,    he  came  down.     138-15,  174-9. 
nanawitxuts,    he  flew  back  down.    114-2. 
na  nal  de  imv,    dripping  off.     337-5. 
na  nal  dit  tsit  din,    where  it  fell.    96-4. 
na  naL  tsis,    it  hung.     207-9. 
nanadiL,    come  down.    166-7. 
na  na  tuL  din,    stepping  down  place.     207-2. 
nanatyai,     (sun)  had  gone  down.    202-9. 
nafiya,    it  rains.     229-3. 
nan  deL,    it  snowed.    169-2. 
na  x5  wil  tsit  xo  Kin,     fell.     306-15. 
na  dit  te  meL,    fell.    245-11. 

Na-     is  used  of  motion  or  position  horizontally,  as  a  line 
stretched,  or  of  crossing  a  stream. 

A)  Of  crossing  a  stream. 

nai  ya  xon  nil  la yei,    they  took  them  (across).    179-11. 

na  na  in  di  yai,    he  came  across.     103-11. 

nanaisyayei,    he  went  back  over.     117-6. 

na  na  ya  nin  deL,    they  arrived  (on  the  other  side).  172-2. 

na  na  nin  deL,    they  went  over.     267-6. 

na  nin  yai,    he  crossed.     119-17,  322-10. 

naninyayei,    she  crossed  over.     135-6. 

na  na  ya  xon  niL  xa  ei,    they  found  his  tracks.     170-4. 

B)  Of  horizontal  position. 
naL  tsis,    hanging.    204-12. 
nanaei,    hangs  there.    295-3. 
na  naL  tsis,    it  hung.    207-9. 

na  na  kin  nu  wiL  a,    he  made  a  ridge.    104-3. 

nanuwesa,     run  across.     363-14. 

nanuwilxut,    hanging  for  a  door.     171-1. 

nanuwindik,    they  lined  up.     216-17. 

Na-    is  used  in  verbs  of  derived  meaning  which  do  not  reveal 
with  which  of  the  above  they  are  connected. 
A)  Intransitive. 

na  ya  is  dil  le  nei,    they  became.     166-13. 

nas  dil  lin  te,    that  was  to  be.     283-6. 

nadille,    they  are.     211-13. 

na  dil  le  ne,    you  may  become.    166-12. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  53 

na  dil  le  te,    they  will  become  again.    116-12. 

na  dil  lete  neon,    which  was  going  to  happen.    117-5. 

na  dil  hi,    will  be.     243-2. 

na  teL  ditc  tcwen,    he  grew.    96-1. 

na  teL  ditc  tcwin  xo  lun,     they  had  grown.     119-10. 

natleliLte,    will  become.     312-4. 

nakyuwinxa,     grows.     364-11. 

do  na  xos  dil  le  te,    will  be  no  more.    228-4. 

do  nas  dil  len  nei,     it  did  not  happen.     117-5. 
B)   Transitive. 

naixoiiLtcweei,     they  made  him.     196-6. 

na  is  tcwen,    he  made.     110-12. 

na  is  tcwen  nei,    that  grew.     287-7. 

na  is  tcwin  teL,    who  will  make.     321-11. 

nai  ke  yun  te,    they  will  grow.     296-4. 

nauw  tcwe,    I  am  going  to  make.    301-1. 

na  yai  xoi  iL  tcwe,    they  make  him.     196-3. 

naya  is  tcwen,    they  made.    284-1. 

naseL  tcwen,     I  made.     296-2. 

naseL  tcwin,    I  make.    302-11. 

na  seL  tcwin  te,    I  will  make  it.    257-14. 

No-  is  employed  of  the  cessation  of  motion,  as  in  placing 
something  in  a  position  of  rest,  of  reaching  the  end  or  limit  of 
something,  or  of  completing  a  task. 

A)   Of  coming  to,  or  bringing  something  to  position  of  rest. 

no  a  din  niii  xan,    she  placed  herself.     223-9. 

no  a  din  xauw,    lay  yourself  down.    223-9. 

noillfw,    she  put.     157-11. 

no  il  La,     he  came  running.     360-8. 

no  in  namtf.    she  stopped.    158-5. 

noixweiLLii,    they  throw  down.    195-11. 

noi  du  win  taL  xo  lun,    he  had  made  a  track  (he  had  placed 
down  his  foot).     292-5. 

noyanindeL,     they  sat  down.     280-5. 

no  ya  xon  niL  ten,     they  left  him.     169-7. 

noyatemeL,    they  dropped  them  along.     179-11. 

no  wit  tiitt1  wiL  te,    one  shall  always  be  left.    289-12. 

no  na  iuw  XSLUW ,    I  leave  it.    247-3. 


54  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

no  nai  ya  du  wit  tal,    he  stepped.    207-10. 

no  na  IL  kyos,    she  put  away.    333-7. 

no  na  it  tse,    she  always  shut  the  door.     158-1. 

nonauwauw,    I  never  leave.    248-1. 

nofi  auw  ne,    you  must  put  it  down.    210-7. 

no  na  ya  kin  nin  an,    they  left  food.     110-9. 

no  na  wiL  dits  tse,    had  a  door  shut.    97-2. 

nonamLten,    he  put  it.    221-11. 

nonaneuii,    I  will  leave  it.     296-5. 

no  na  nin  an,    he  placed.     117-8. 

nonanindeL,    they  lived.    237-1. 

no  na  nin  deL  xo  Ian,    they  had  sat  down  he  saw.    271-12. 

no  na  nin  tse,    he  shut  a  door.    96-9. 

no  na  XOL  tmt> ,    he  had  her  laid.    342-8. 

no  na  du  win  taL,     he  stepped  away.     223-11. 

no  na  ta  ml  hit,    when  she  turned.    245-10. 

no  na  kin  auw  ne,    you  must  leave.     353-10. 

no  na  kin  nib  Ids,    he  put  his  hand.    221-4. 

no  na  kin  nin  un  te,    one  should  leave.     215-8. 

no  na  kin  nin  un  te,    you  will  leave.     351-13. 

no  na  kin  tan,    he  set  the  wedge  again.    109-1. 

nonexunte,    I  will  put.    289-2. 

no  nil  lai,    he  put.    98-2. 

no  nil  la  yei,    they  put  them.    300-13. 

noniLtindin,    he  put  it  place.     266-9,  294-10. 

nonibkait,    he  pushed  them.     139-13. 

nonibkas,    he  threw.     185-8. 

no  nib  kyos,    he  put  it.    208-10. 

no  nin  an,    he  established  it.    273-3. 

noninut,    he  threw  it.     112-3. 

no  nin  xan,    she  put  it.    242-7,  287-7. 

no  nin  xun  te,    who  will  set.    290-12. 

no  nin  xuts,    he  dropped.    362-9. 

no  nin  tan,    he  put.    210-16. 

nondlyan,    was  left.    118-11. 

nonundiyate,    in  one  place  they  will  stay.    259-17. 

no  nun  dim  mil,    rope  fell  back.    151-18. 

nofi  yai,    it  went  down.    348-3. 


VOL.  31    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Ilupa  Language.  55 

noii  xaim1  ne,    put  it.    296-14. 

lion  de  mil,    it  fell.    143-8. 

non  de  qot  ei,    it  stopped.    287-2. 

no  du  win  tar,  xo  Ian,    it  had  made  a  track  he  saw.    185-12. 

no  ke  iuw  qot,    I  always  set  up.    247-4. 

nokinnintan,    he  set  the  wedge.    108-11. 
B)   Of  liquids  or  gases  spread  over  a  surface. 

noiihkit,     (fog)  spread  out.    321-7. 

noi  wiL  kil  HL  te,     it  will  be  foggy.     230-6. 

noiniLkit,  (smoke)  hangs.    337-11. 

noi  nil,  kit,     (smoke)  is  everywhere.     241-8. 

noi  niL  kit  ne  wan,    like  fog  it  appeared.     210-10. 

nowillin,    it  was  covered  (with  blood).    115-16. 

nonainiLkit,     (smoke)  settled.     96-3. 

no  hit-e  deuw  hwen  nei,    darkness  came.    300-15. 

no  to  °x,    water  staid.    324-3. 

Compare,     no  kin  nin  you?,      (dentalia)    scattered    about. 

145-3. 
c)   Of  arriving  at  a  limit,  of  finishing  something. 

noil  La,    he  came  running.    360-8. 

no  IL  xuts,    he  chewed  off.    288-5. 

noi  niii  yan  ne,    that  far  they  ate.    347-17. 

no  in  nauw,    she  stopped.    158-5. 

no  it  to,    the  water  comes.    310-7. 

noi  kl  yoit-  din,    as  far  as  it  goes.    311-6. 

no  win  na  hwiL  te,     (thus  far)  he  will  go.    230-1. 

no  na  il  luw,    she  left  off.    332-10. 

no  na  in  duk  qot,     he  reached  by  jumping.     329-18. 

no  na  wit  fats,    it  is  cut  down.    144-17. 

no  nan  dit  dje  u,    they  got  back.     301-15. 

no  na  xon  niL  tin  ne  en,    he  caught  up  with  him.    176-11. 

no  na  xon  tsu,    they  had  finished  filling  the  grave.   175-15. 

no  nil  lit  hit,    when  he  had  finished  sweating.     210-8. 

no  niii  uii  hit,    when  he  finished.    234-7. 

no  nin  nas,    he  whittled  it  down.    197-3. 

no  nun  de  xen,    they  floated  to  shore.    216-6. 

no  nun  dil  lat,    it  floated  back.    245-13. 

non  dik  kil  lei,    that  far  he  split  it.     210-2. 


56  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

no  xo  auw  hwil,     they  kept  arriving.     208-1. 

noxoninufi,    they  fell  in  with  them.     179-5. 

no  xiuc,    floats  ashore.    346-5. 

no  din  nil  tcwan,    they  finished  supper.    141-4. 

no  te  duk  kait,    people  began  to  starve.     191-11. 

no  te  duk  kai  teL,    they  were  about  to  starve.    191-18. 

no  kiL  dje  xa  in  nauw,    she  quit  fighting.     333-6. 

no  kin  nin  yan,    he  finished.    209-12. 

nokyuwiltaL,    final  dancing  place.     105-6. 
Xa-    has  the  general  meaning  of  up.    It  is  found  employed  of 
movement  up  a  hillside  when  the  speaker's  standpoint  is  at  the 
top  of  the  hill,  the  digging  of  objects  out  of  the  ground,  and 
motion  out  of  the  top  of  receptacles  or  of  houses. 

A)  Of  motion  up  along  the  surface  of  the  ground. 
xaisyai,    he  came  up.    105-1,  294-7. 

xa  is  ya  din,    he  got  up  place.    272-2. 

xa  is  lai,    she  brought  up.    98-16. 

xaisxufihit,    when  she  had  brought  up.     99-9. 

xa  is  ten,    she  brought  up.     99-2. 

xa  ya  Ids  wen,    they  carried  it  up.    164-5. 

xa  na  is  los,    she  dragged  it  up.    190-2. 

xa  na  is  di  yai,    he  came  back  up.    100-2. 

xa  na  is  di  ya  hit,    when  he  came  up.    210-12. 

xa  na  is  di  ya  de,    if  she  comes  up.     111-6. 

xa  na  is  diL  Lat,    she  ran  up.     135-13. 

xa  sin  name  din,    where  the  sun  rises.    332-5. 

xa  sin  deL  difi,    coming  up  place.     363-3. 

xakiswen,    he  had  carried  it  (up  a  tree).    166-4. 

B)  Of  digging  things  from  the  ground,  or  of  their  emergence 
from  the  surface  of  the  ground  or  water. 

xai  un  te,    I  will  take  one  out.    135-5. 

xauw?  auw;,    I  am  going  to  take  it  out.    135-7. 

xa wa auw h/dL te,    she  will  pick  out  (the  stones).    312-1. 

xa  wil  lai,    she  dug  it  out.    242-5. 

xa  win  an,    he  took  out.     100-10. 

xa  na  ya  wit  tcwal,    they  dug  up  along.     181-7. 

xa  na  WIL  ten,    he  dug  it  out.    221-10. 

xa  na  xo  iL  tuw,    she  kept  lifting  him  out.     223-15. 


VOL.  31     Godda.rd. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  57 

xanaxonan,     they  came   up   again    (from   the   grave). 
360-10. 

xanxenne,    he  came  up  (after  diving).    210-9. 

xa  xo  wil  waL,    dug-f  rom-the-ground.     138-9. 

xatemas,    rolled  out  of  the  ground.    270-5. 

xakehire,     (she  commenced)  to  dig.     135-2. 

xa  kin  de  miit,    it  boiled  up.     105-3. 

xakyuwitc  tee  lii-te,      from    the    ground    the    wind    will 

blowout.    272-10. 
c)   Of  motion  out  of  the  top  of  a  house  or  a  receptacle. 

xa  wes  a,    he  peeped  out.    176-9. 

xawitqot,     he  jumped  (out  of  the  smoke-hole).    329-13. 

xa  kin  its,     (she  saw)  it  shoot  up  (out  of  the  smoke-hole). 

158-7. 

D)   Of  growing  up  from  the  ground,  or  of  standing  in  it  as  a 
plant. 

xa  a  na  kin  nit  te,    it  grows  up  again.    356-14. 

xalaxolun,    had  grown  up.     121-11. 

xal  tcwin  xo  Ian,    growing  up  he  saw.    319-8. 

xa  na  kyu  xol  da  a,     grown  over  with  grass.     165-16. 

xan  dik,    standing.    276-10. 

Xee-     in  the  sense  of  "away  from,"  as   in  blowing  and 
pushing. 

xe  e  IL  yol,    he  blows  away.     296-15. 

xe  e  ya  xo  wit  meL,    they  had  thrown  away  part  of  them 
selves.     181-9. 

xeewiLwaL,    she  threw  away.     189-11. 

xe  e  win  qotc  ei  tsu,    he  heard  him  lope  away.     175-8. 

xe  e  na  iL  kis,    she  pushed  it  away.     185-3. 

xe  e  na  wil  Lat,    he  ran  away  again.     176-16. 

xe  e  na  kiL  waL,    he  threw  her  away.    308-9. 

xeeduwaLei,    it  disappears  over  the  hill.    208-17. 
Xot  da-,    with  the  general  meaning  of  down,  expresses  motion 
down  a  hill  or  stream. 

xotdaiLkas,    he  threw  down.    138-8. 

xot  da  wil  lai,    they  came  down.    215-13. 

xotdawifiyai,    he  went.    272-3. 

xotdawiiiyayei,    she  went  down.    99-8. 

An.  ARCH.  ETH.  3.  5. 


58  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  AKCH.  ETH. 

xot  da  na  we  sin  tee  te,    you  will  blow  down.    227-6. 

xot  da  na  wil  lai,    they  started  by  boat.     116-8. 

xot  da  na  wit  xuts,    he  fell  back.    152-3. 

xot  da  na  kyu  we  sin  tee  te,    you  will  blow  down.    227-5. 

xot  dan  yai,    it  went  down.    281-1. 

xot  dan  xen,    they  floated  down.    21 6-5. 

xot  dan  tee,    blows  (down).    227-3. 

xot  da  ke  I  yauw,    they  came  down  the  hill.    310-6. 

xot  dan  kyu  wes  tee,    blows  (down).     227-7. 

xotdatkait,    they  came  down.    158-14. 

Xot  de-  is  used  of  one  person 's  meeting  another  on  the  trail 
where  the  movement  of  only  one  of  the  persons  is  of  interest  at 
the  moment.  Le-  is  employed  when  one  wishes  to  say  they  came 
toward  each  other.  The  first  part  of  the  prefix,  xo-,  seems  to 
be  the  third  person  of  the  pronoun,  used  as  an  indirect  object. 
Compare,  nit  de  sin  nau^  un,  didn't  she  meet  you?  165-2. 

xot  de  is  yai,    he  met  him.    105-14. 

xot  de  ya  is  deL,    they  met  them.    110-8. 

Sa-  is  employed  of  motion  into  the  mouth,  as  in  eating, 
drinking  or  biting. 

sauw  titc  din,    let  me  put  in  my  mouth  place.    198-10  and 
note. 

sa  wil  lai,    he  put  in  his  mouth.     119-6,  276-10. 

sa  win  xan,    he  put  it  into  her  mouth.    278-10. 

sahtwlluw,    put  (me)  in  your  mouth.    276-8. 

mis  sai  xun  te,    I  will  put  in  its  mouth.     243-16. 

mis  sa  win  xun  te,    in  his  mouth  she  will  put.    243-10. 

mis  sun  xauw  ne,    its  mouth  put  it  in.    246-14. 

hwis  sa  kin  its,    my  mouth  shoot  in.    118-13. 

xo  sa  win  xan,    her  mouth  he  put  in.    342-7. 

xo  sa  kin  its,    in  his  mouth  he  shot.    118-14. 

kis  sa  win  ya  te,    he  will  go  into  somebody 's  mouth.   257-5. 
Da-    refers  to  a  bank,  bench,  shelf,  or  something  higher  than 
the  ground,  on  which  the  person  or  object  is  at  rest  or  comes  to 
rest. 

A)  Of  a  person  sitting  on  something  above  the  surface  of  the 
ground. 

dayawinai,     he  was  sitting.     360-6. 

da  ya  win  a  ye,    someone  sitting.    337-2. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  59 

dayawesa,    he  sat  down.    138-3. 

dayanawesa,    sat  there.    144-11. 

da  ya  na  win  ai,    sitting.     162-2. 

da  ne  se  da  te,    I  will  go  fishing.    256-8. 

da  nin  sa,    sit.    107-12. 

dauonindeL,    they  sat.     179-2. 

da  no  te  deL  te,    everybody  will  fish.    256-9. 

da  tee  it  da,    he  always  fished.    237-1. 

da  tcin  nes  dai,    he  sat.    107-12. 

dateinnesdai,    she  fished.    98-14. 

B)   Of  persons  or  animals  stepping,  jumping,  lighting  or  lying 
on  something  higher  than  the  ground. 

dauii  xus,    fly  (on  to  a  tree).    114-2. 

dawilLat,    it  jumped  on.    113-14. 

da  wil  ton  ei,    it  jumped.    115-9. 

da  nat  xiits  tse,    it  lit  on.    204-8. 

da  no  du  win  taL,    he  stepped.     120-3. 

da  xo  6  auff ,    they  jumped.    195-9. 

daxonannei,    they  jumped.    347-18. 

da  tee  e  xus,    used  to  light.    150-9. 

da  tcu  wil  ton,    he  jumped.    109-14. 

da  tcu  win  xuts,    he  flew  up  there.     114-1. 

c)  Of  objects  resting  or  being  placed  on  something  higher 
than  the  ground. 

da  e  iiur  tuir,    I  put.    247-7. 

daeiLte,    were  on  a  stick.    186-11. 

da  na  wil  lai,    she  put  it.    308-2. 

da  na  win  tan,    he  put  it  down.     97-13. 

da  nal  iuir  din,     it  dropped  place.     338-4. 

danaxoLten,    he  put  him.    108-1. 

da  na  deL  waL,    he  poured  it.    281-17. 

dasiLten,    lying  on  something.    186-4. 

da  sit  tan,    sitting  there.    246-10. 

da  sit  ten,    it  was  lying.     114-16. 

da  sit  tun,    it  sits.    246-9. 

da  tcu  win  an,    he  placed  it.    210-6. 

da  tcu  win  en,    he  put  fire  on.     119-15. 


60  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  Era. 

D)   Of  a  fixed  position  in  a  body  of  water  or  on  its  surface. 

daillel,    it  always  swam  (in  one  place).    266-6. 

daweslal,    it  stayed  still.    245-1,  314-10. 

da  wes  lei,    it  swam  around  in  one  place.    266-5. 

da  wes  dil,    they  waited.    252-7. 

da  wil  la  le,    it  was  floating.    244-6. 

da  wit  dil,    live  (said  of  fish).    365-8. 

da  wit  diL  ne  en,    they  used  to  live  (said  of  fish).    259-4. 

da  na  wil  laL,    it  was  floating  there.    325-3. 

danatlale,    it  floated.    243-13. 
Unclassified. 

da  e  iuw  kel,    I  held  under.     337-14. 

da  yi  kin  yan  e  xo  luri,    mouse  has  chewed  up.    153-15. 

da  win  san  sil  len,    he  was  weak.    346-6. 

da  nai  ke  xon  tcwai,    he  pawed  the  dirt.    115-6. 

dakinyunte,    to  chew  off.     151-9. 

dakyuwestce,    the  wind  blew  on  it.     348-3. 

da  kyu  win  xa  ei,     (a  plant)  stood.     242-3. 
Dad-,    with  various  meanings,  a  common  significance  being 
unknown. 

A)  Of  the  removing  or  taking  away  of  persons  or  objects. 
da  na  du  wit  ya  yei,    it  went  back.     234-4. 

da  du  wil  ten,    he  has  been  carried  off.    150-10. 
da  tee  xo  diL  ten,    she  has  taken  him  away.    159-5. 
da  tcit  du  wiL  kyos,     he  has  taken  away.     207-11. 

B)  Of  running. 

da  na  x5  du  win  an,    they  ran  back.    181-6. 
da  din  La,     run.     176-6. 
da  tcit  du  wil  Lat,    he  ran.    164-2. 
da  tcit  du  win  Lat,    he  started  to  run.    176-11. 
c)   Of  placing  things  at  right  angles  to  each  other,  or  of  point 
ing  at  something. 

da  na  diL  a,    shoot.    329-11. 
da  na  du  WIL  a,    he  set  another  on  it.     197-4. 
da  na  du  wiL  a,    he  shot.    329-12. 
da  na  du  win  a  ei,    it  stood  up.    203-10. 
da  na  du  wit  ya  yei,     it  went  back.     234-4. 
da  du  wes  a  te  ne  wan,     he  could  hardly  hold  pointed  to 
it.    271-10. 


VOL.  31     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  llupa  Language.  (51 

D)   Of  the  blowing  of  the  wind. 

danakit  du  wittceii,  te,    the  wind  blew  gently.     273-1. 

da  kit  de  it  tee,    it  blew.    324-6. 

da  kit  du  wes  tee,    the  wind  blew.    324-4. 

Ded-  is  employed  of  motion  toward  or  of  position  in  fire. 
The  second  syllable,  which  is  completed  according  to  the  sound 
which  follows  it,  may  be  separated  from  the  first  syllable. 

denadeiutr  mil,    I  put  (in  the  fire).    247-9. 

de  na  du  wil  la  te,    he  will  put  in  the  fire.    255-15. 

de  na  du  win  (in  te,    he  will  put  in  the  fire.    258-2. 

dexotdiLwaL,    he  threw  him  in  the  fire.    120-8. 

de  de  IL  kas,    he  threw  into  the  fire.    238-13. 

de  de  ira  mil,    he  pushed  them  into  the  fire.     165-6. 

de  du  au  hzriL  de,    if  they  put  it  in  the  fire.    273-1. 

deduwillai,    he  put  on  the  fire.     266-11. 

de  du  wil  la  te,    he  will  put  in  the  fire    255-15. 

de  du  wim  meL,    he  threw  in  the  tire.     165-10. 

deduwinan,     he  put  in  incense.     266-16. 

dediiwintan,    he  put  them  in.     150-4. 

dedujrtun,     (let)  me  put  them  in  the  fire.     150-4. 

dekidil  litcte,    to  urinate  on  the  fires.    151-10. 

Du-    occurs  in  a  few  verbs  with  the  meaning  of  off,  from  off. 
du  win  xuts,    it  came  off.     157-7. 
tcit  du  wil  Lat,    he  jumped  off.     107-11. 
tcit  du  WIL  waL  ei,     she  knocked  off.     159-11. 
tcitduwiLtseL,    he  pounded  it  off.     281-16. 
tcit  du  wim  mite,    he  pulled  it  off.    293-16,287-2. 

Dje-  expresses  the  separation  of  a  mass,  as  the  splitting  of 
wood. 

djewiLtseL,  he  pounded  it  (open).     108-11 
djewiLkil,    he  tore  away.    176-9. 
djewintan,    spread  open.    289-14. 
dje  na  WIL  tuw,    he  opened  it.     109-2. 
djenyai,    it  opened.    108-11. 
djetwaL,    it  opened.    281-17. 

Ta-  is  employed  of  motion  toward  and  away  from  a  body 
of  water,  with  special  regard  to  its  surface. 


g2  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

A)  Of  motion  away  from  and  out  of  water. 
tayaishwal,    they  caught.    328-4. 

ta  na  is  waL  ei,    he  threw  it  out  of  the  water.    217-17. 

tanaisdiyai,    he  came  out  of  it  (the  canoe)  again.  314-6. 

ta  na  is  tan,    she  took  it  out  of  the  water.    325-4. 

ta  na  is  ten  nei,    he  had  taken  it  out.    217-17. 

ta  nauw  tu  hwiL  te,    I  will  take  out.    267-18. 

tanaxoauw,    they  jumped  out.     165-6. 

ta  tcis  wen,    he  carried  it  out.    120-10. 

ta  kit  den  tee,    the  wind  blows  out  the  water.    365-12. 

B)  Of  motion  toward,  into,  or  over  water. 
tawesa,    will  project  (of  a  mountain).    255-2. 

ta  nai  kyu  wes  sin  tee  te,    blow  out  to  sea  with  you.    228-5. 

tafieL,    sticking  out  (roots  of  a  tree).    341-15. 
c)   Of  the  coming  and  going  of  boats. 

ta  wil  lai,    it  had  started.    362-10. 

tawillayei,    they  went.    362-12. 

ta  wiL  kait,    he  started  across.    315-1. 

tanxennei,     (canoe)  went  away.    222-9. 

tadesla,     (a  boat)  has  come.    199-3. 

ta  des  lat,    came.    105-2. 

ta  des  deL  xo  lufi,    had  come  ashore.    101-2. 
D)   Of  drinking. 

tai  win  nun  iL  de,    if  he  drinks  water.     338-7. 

tai  din  nuii,    let  us  drink  water.    179-3. 

tauw?  din  nun  te,    I  am  going  to  have  a  drink.     111-13. 

ta  win  nan,    he  drank  it.     337-7. 

ta  nai  win  nun  de,     if  he  drinks.     337-16. 

ta  nai  win  nun  te,    he  will  drink.    337-18. 

tan  din  nan,    you  drank.     337-12. 

Ta-    is  used  with  verbs  meaning  to  desert,  to  leave  a  place 
permanently. 

tas  ya  hwufi,    one  ought  to  go  away.    215-8. 

tasyai,     have  left.     271-2. 

tas  ya  ye  xo  lun,    they  had  gone.    267-14. 
One  word  with  a  prefix    ta-    shows  no  connection  in  mean 
ing  with  either  of  the  above  classes,    ta  nai  xos  do  wei,    they  cut 
him  all  to  pieces    106-14,  108-2. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  63 

Te-,    unlike    ta-,    refers  only  to  motion  into  water  and  under 
its  surface. 

te  IL  ante  hirei,    in  the  water  crawl.    311-7. 

tewautte,    in  water  I  will  throw.    111-17. 

teweLqotcte,    I  will  throw  in  (the  water).    112-4. 

tewiltsit,    sank  (of  boats).    153-17. 

te  wiii  eL,    stand  out.    283-14. 

te  wit  qot  te    sil  len  nei,     in  the  water  it  seemed  about  to 
tumble.    286-13. 

te  na  wes  a,    into  the  water  run  out.     365-1. 

te  na  wil  lat  dei,    in  the  water  she  floated  back.    117-4. 

tenadeilya,    in  the  water  they  stand.    310-4. 

te  no  du  win  taL,     in  the  water  they  stepped.     120-3. 

te  tcu  wiii  an,    he  put  it  in  water.    157-8,  342-6. 

tetcuwintan,    he  put  in  the  water.    101-14. 

te  ke  I  yauic  hirei,    go  in.    311-2. 

tekeitste,    I  will  shoot  in  (water).     112-9. 

te  kil  la  hit,    when  he  put  his  hand  in  it.    337-4. 

tekiLqotc,    he  threw  it  in.    112-6. 

te  kin  its,    he  shot  it  in.    112-10. 
Tsifi-    means  away  from  in  expressions  of  fleeing. 

tsi  yun  te  il  dil,    they  always  ran  off.    333-11. 

tsi  yun  tes  dil  deL,    we  went  (away  from  them).    200-1. 

tsin  te  tes  dil  deL,    we  ran  away.     198-10. 

tsin  tit  dil  diL,    let  us  run  away.    333-11. 
Tee-    has  the  general  meaning  of  "out  of,"  and  is  employed 
of  motion  out  of  a  house,  or  out  of  a  small  receptacle,  but  also 
of  less  definitely  enclosed  spaces,  as  brushy  places  or  the  bed  of 
a  stream.    It  is  the  correlative  of    ye-. 
A)  Of  motion  out  of  a  house. 

tee  e  auw;,    he  took  out.    333-2. 

tee  il  qol  e  xo  Ian,    it  had  crawled  out.     185-11. 

tee  in  Lat,    she  ran  out.    185-5. 

tee  in  nauw;  wei,    she  used  to  go  out.    136-14. 

tee  in  diL  min,    them  to  come  out  for.    102-9. 

tee  na  in  di  yai,    he  went  out.    153-11. 

tee  na  ya  xon  miL,    throw  them  out.    302-3. 

tcenamiL,    throw  them  out.    301-13. 


64  University  of  California  Publications.  OM-  ABCH.  ETH. 

tee  na  mm  meL,    he  had  them  thrown  out.    301-14. 

tee  na  nin  tan,    he  took  out.    97-13. 

tceneyate,    I  will  go  out.     332-8. 

tee  ne  yai,    I  have  gone  out.    99-14. 

tceniLkait,    he  put  out.     153-9. 

tee  nin  yai,    he  went  out.     97-16. 

tceniiiyane,    you  must  go  out.    242-1. 

teen  ya  hwiL  te,    you  will  go.    356-8. 

tee  te  deL,    they  went  out.    141-5. 

tee  xo  niL  ten,    they  took  him  out.     278-4. 

tee  kin  nin  yan,    they  came  out.    98-2. 
B)   Of  motion  out  of  a  small  receptacle. 

tceilluw,    he  used  to  take  out  (of  a  basket).    230-11. 

teenanillai,    he  drew  out  (from  his  throat).     119-2. 

tee  na  niL  kait  dei,     he  poked  out    (of  a  hollow  stump). 
174-9. 

tee  na  nin  an,  he  took  out  (from  an  elder  stick).  119-3. 

tee  na  xon  niL  ten,    he  took  out  (from  a  sack).     153-7. 

tcenillai,    he  pulled  out  (from  his  arm).    143-5. 

tee  niL  ten,    he  took  out  (from  a  hollow  tree).    282-2. 

tee  nin  an,    he  took  out  (from  a  quiver).     119-15. 

tcenifiyos,    he  pulled  out  (from  his  quiver).    118-10. 

tee  nin  tan,    he  took  out  (from  a  quiver).    97-4,  329-10. 
c)  Of  motion  into  a  more  open  space,  as  from  the  brush  into 
a  glade,  or  to  the  river  shore. 

tee  il  Lat,    he  jumped  out.    106-2. 

tee  in  nauw  din,    where  he  comes  out.    195-3. 

tee  in  de  git,    they  ran  down.     153-16. 

tee  min  nin  yot  dei,    he  drove  out  a  deer.    217-16. 

tcenauw,    smoke  coming  out.    170-7. 

tee  nail  Lat,    she  came  there.     135-9. 

tee  na  in  di  ya  hit,     when  she  went  down  (to  the  ocean). 
325-8. 

tee  na  nin  deL,    they  went  back.    267-9. 

tee  nin  yai,    she  came  down  to  the  beach.    245-15. 

tee  nin  yai,     (he  came  out  (of  the  brush).    175-14. 

tee  nin  ya  te  ne  en,    he  was  going  to  come  out.    162-12. 

tceninkutc,    he  threw  out.     144-1. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  65 

tee  nifi  kutc  ei,    he  threw  over  the  line.    143-15. 
tee  toil  ton,    he  jumped  out.  163-16. 

D)  Of  motion  out  of  the  bed  of  a  stream  into  the  one  into 
which  it  empties,  or  into  the  ocean. 

tceyafieL,     (canons)  ran  out.    336-2. 
tceweslinte,    will  run  out.     254-17. 
tee  wil  lin  din,    at  the  mouth  of  the  creek.    175-10. 
tee  niL  men  nei,    he  made  it  swim  out.    265-10. 

E)  Of  pulling  out  a  knot. 

tee  IL  to,    he  pulled  out  the  knot.    332-12. 

tceniLtsit,    he  untied  the  strap.     106-2. 
Unclassified. 

tceniLtik,    he  pinched  out.    143-14. 

tcenimmas,     (fire)  rolled  out.     197-5. 

tcetexan,    he  took  out.    111-5. 

Ke-    seems  to  refer  to  motion  or  position  against  or  along  a 
vertical  surface. 

A)  Of  motion  against  or  along  a  vertical  surface. 
keisyai,    he  climbed  up.    137-17. 
keisyayei,    she  climbed  up.     137-12. 

ke  is  Lat,    she  ran  up.    158-8. 

kewinxuts,     he   fell   over    (perhaps   against   his   load). 

105-17. 

kemLtcwit,    he  lifted  it  up  (against).     163-1. 
ke  sin  qotc  ei,    you  climbed  up  the  tree.     175-1. 
kes  Lat  del,    he  climbed  up  he  saw.     174-7. 

B)  Of  position  against  a  vertical  surface. 
keyanineL,     leaning  up.     99-6. 
kenaneiLa,    she  leaned  it  Tip.     290-1. 
kenanina,    leaning  up.    99-5. 

ke  ne  IL  a,    she  leaned  it  up.    290-9. 
ke  nifi  eL,    leaning  up.    235-9. 

c)   Of  cooking,  probably  leaning  against  something  before  the 
fire. 

ke  ya  wiL  na,    they  cooked  it.    266-10. 
ke  WIL  na,    she  cooked  them.    99-9. 
kenawiLna,    he  cooked  it.    260-6. 
kenawiLnadin,    he  cooked  them  place.    255-11. 


66  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

PREFIXES  OF  PURSUIT. 

There  are  three  prefixes  which  indicate  the  pursuit  or  search 
for  a  person  or  a  thing,  or,  in  a  secondary  sense,  the  attempt  to 
do  a  thing. 

Wun-  is  used  of  looking  for  a  thing  the  position  of  which  is 
unknown,  as  in  hunting  game.  It  also  means  to  attempt  some 
thing  by  persistent  effort. 

A)  Of  pursuing  or  seeking  something. 
wun  na  is  ya,    they  hunt.    319-3. 
wunnaisdeL,    they  started  (to  catch  it).    101-17. 

wun  nai  diL  xo  sin  xo  Ian,  hunting  had  been  he  saw.  140-11. 
wun  na  wa  ne  en,    going  after  wood  used  to.    157-10. 
wunnadiLte,    he  will  hunt.     311-14. 

B)  Of  persistent  effort. 

wun  na  I  ya,    he  worked  on  it.    226-2. 

wun  na  is  ya,  he  started  to  make.    362-14. 

wun  na  is  ya,    he  is  trying  to  do.    116-15. 

wun  na  is  ya  xo  lun,     he  had  fixed.     170-10. 

wun  no  xon  nil.  tin  te,    he  is  going  to  get  him  to  do.  141-13. 
c)   Of  shooting. 

wun  noL  kai,     shoot.     144-14. 

wun  no  neL  kai  te,    I  will  shoot.     144-16. 
D)   Of  animals  feeding. 

wunnaxoilyu,     come  to  eat  it.     356-12. 

wun  na  xos  yu,    went  to  eat.    364-8. 

Na-  is  employed  when  there  is  a  track  to  be  followed.  It  is 
likely  connected  with  the  iterative  particle  na-  again,  since  the 
meaning  may  be  that  of  going  over  the  trail  again. 

naiLtsan,     he  found  signs.     185-11.   . 

naiLkitdei,     he  caught  it.     152-6. 

nai  XOL  tsan  ne  te,     it  will  find  him.     307-13. 

naya  XOL  tsan,    he  found  them.     267-15. 

nayaxoteLxa,     they  tracked  him.     170-3. 

na  na  ya  xon  nil,  xa  ei,    they  found  his  tracks.     170-4. 
Xa-     implies  the  going  after  with  the  intention  of  getting 
a  thing  one  has  never  before  possessed. 

xainitte,    she  looked  for  it.     243-4. 

xauwte,    let  me  look  for  it.     104-16. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  67 

xa  ne  it  te,    she  looked  for  it.    306-13. 
xa  na  ten  en,    she  looked  for  them.    300-14. 
xanetete,    I  am  going  to  look  for  it.    336-10. 
xanuwinte,    she  looked  for  it,    111-3,293-9. 
xan  te,    look  for  it.    243-3. 

ADVERBIAL  PREFIXES  OF  MANNER. 

Iteration. 

Na-  expresses  the  undoing  of  anything  or  the  retracing  of 
one's  steps,  as  well  as  the  repeating  of  an  act.  It  is  often  em 
ployed  where  in  English  the  repetition  is  taken  for  granted,  as 
in  the  customary  acts  of  daily  life — eating,  drinking,  sleeping, 
etc.  Sometimes  the  prefix  requires  d  or  t  preceding  the  root 
(class  iii,  p.  35),  and  in  other  cases  it  is  used  without  either.  No 
corresponding  difference  of  meaning  has  been  discovered,  but 
the  verbs  have  been  separately  listed. 

A)  With  the  meaning  of  undoing  the  thing  which  has  been 
done,  or  of  going  back  over  the  road  traveled. 

ye  na  wil  16s,    she  dragged  it  in.     190-2. 

yenawiLmen,    he  made  it  swim  in.    266-2. 

ye  nan  deL,    they  came  back  in.    301-16. 

yo  xai  na  na  Ids  deL,    to  buy  they  came  back.    200-7. 

me  nai  yl  yauir,    they  eat  it  down.    356-13. 

me  na  ya  is  deL,    they  started  back.    208-16. 

me  na  niL  tcwit,    he  pushed  it  back.    163-1. 

me  na  nil  la  yei,    they  arrived.    116-8. 

na  in  deL,    they  got  back.    181-8,  177-2. 

nai  xonnuwiLhiron,     it  cured  him.     121-13. 

nai  diL,    let  us  go  home.    175-16. 

na  yai  xoi  IL  tcwo  ig,    they  brush  him  together.    196-3. 

na  na  in  dil,    they  came  back.    182-6. 

nanaisyayei,    he  went  back  over.    117-6. 

na  na  in  deL,    they  went  over.    267-6. 

na  no  diL,    go  away.    266-15. 

nanufiya,    go  back.     187-6. 

nan  deL  ei,    they  went  back.    182-5. 

na  te  in  dil,    they  went  home.    333-13. 

nateuwnniLte,    I  will  look  back  from.     230-7. 


University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

na  te  los,    she  dragged  back.    190-1. 
nates deL,    they  started  back.    176-17,  329-18. 
na  tin  dam*;,    you  better  go  back.    329-3. 
na  tin  diL  tsu,    he  heard  them  coming  home.    329-5. 
na  kyu  we  xo  win  sen,    they  brought  home.     145-4. 
xa  na  is  16s,    she  dragged  it  up.    190-2. 
xa  na  xon  an,    they  came  up  again.     360-10. 
xe  e  na  wil  Lat,    he  ran  away  again.     176-16. 
da  na  xo  du  win  an,    they  ran  back.     181-6. 
da  na  du  wil  Lat,    he  ran  back.     97-12. 
ta  na  is  waL  ei,    he  threw  it  out  of  the  water.    217-17. 
ta  na  is  ten  nei,    he  had  taken  it  out.    217-17. 
tannaxoauw,    they  jumped  out.     165-6. 
te  na  wil  lat  dei,    in  the  water  she  floated  back.    117-4. 
tee  na  ya  xon  miL,    throw  them  out.     302-3. 
tcenamiL,    throw  them  out.    301-13. 
tcenanillai,    he  drew  out.     119-2. 
tee  na  nil  kait  dei,     he  poked  out.     174-9. 
teenanimmeL,    he  had  them  thrown  out.    301-14. 
teenaninan,    he  took  out.     119-3. 
tee  na  nin  deL,    they  went  back.    267-9. 
tcenanintan,    he  took  out.    97-13. 
tee  na  xon  neL  tin,    I  brought  it  down.    273-7. 
tee  na  xon  niL  ten,    he  took  out.    153-7. 
kyu  wa  na  iL  tmo,    he  who  gives  back.    241-4. 
With    d    or    t    preceding  the  root. 

a  na  dit  du  wiL  kan,    he  jumped  out  one  side.    108-15. 

in  ta  na  wit  yai,     he  turned  back.     102-12,  104-2. 

in  ta  na  wit  ya  te,    he  would  turn  back.     187-4. 

yanatdjeu,     they  came  back.     301-15. 

ye  na  it  dauw/%    he  went  back  in.    288-6. 

ye  na  wit  yai,    he  went  in.     98-15. 

ye  na  wit  ya  hit,    when  he  went  in.     118-6. 

LC  na  kil  du  hw;6t,     it  grew  back  on.     164-1. 

LenunduwaL,     it  shut.     108-16. 

menaisdiyai,     he  climbed.     103-12. 

na  at  lu  e  xo  Ian,    it  had  gone  back.     234-11. 

na  il  diL  Lat,    he  came  running  back.     176-16. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  69 

na  ii.  dim  men  nei,    he  made  it  swim  back.    266-2. 

naiLditten,    he  brought  it  back.    283-4. 

naindiyai,    he  got  back.    121-16,98-6. 

na  in  dik  git,    they  came  back.    299-9. 

nautrdlyai,    I  have  come  (back).     145-10. 

nawitdaL,    he  is  coming  back.    152-7. 

nawitdallit,    when  he  came  back.     116-4. 

na  naindiyai,     he  came  back  across.     103-11. 

nanawitxuts,    he  flew  back  down.    114-2. 

na  na  it  wu«r,    he  used  to  carry  it  back.    237-8. 

na  ne  it  dauir,    they  used  to  come  back.     137-1,  196-5. 

naneitgit,    they  came  back.     299-12. 

na  nit  damr  xo  Km,    he  had  come  back.    267-7. 

na  nd  di  ya,    let  it  come  back.    233-5. 

nas  dil  len  ne,    it  had  gone  back.     234-7,  235-1. 

na  dil  le  lei,    it  went  back.     234-2. 

nateitdawr,    she  always  went  home.     237-6. 

na  teL  dit  dame,    she  ran  back.    157-6. 

nates diyai,    he  went  back.    97-17,  104-3. 

natindiyane,    go  home.    337-18. 

nit  tana  wit  yai,    he  turned  back.     270-11. 

nonaitdjeu,    they  came  back.     299-10. 

no  nan  dit  dje  u,    they  got  back.     301-15. 

no  nun  dil  lat,    it  got  back.    246-2. 

no  nun  dim  mil,    it  fell  back.    151-18. 

nuldiLLat,    he  ran  back.    115-16. 

nun  di  ya  te,    it  will  come  back.    307-9. 

nun  duk  qotc  tsu,    he  heard  him  lope  back.     175-9. 

xa  en  nal  dit  do  wei,    it  drew  back.     105-9. 

xanaisdiyai,     he  came  back  up.     100-2. 

xa  na  is  di  ya  hit,    when  he  came  back  up.    210-12. 

xa  na  is  di  ya  de,    if  she  comes  up.     111-6. 

xanaya  wittcwal,    they  dug  up  along.     181-7. 

XOL  me  nun  dil  lat  dei,    with  him  it  floated  back.    315-6. 

xot  da  na  wit  xuts,    he  fell  back.    152-3. 

da  an  na  dil  lau,    he  untied  himself.    120-2. 

da  na  du  wit  ya  yei,     it  went  back.     234-4. 

do  na  in  di  yai,    he  did  not  come  back.    306-2. 


7()  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

do  he  in  na  na  is  diik  ka,    he  did  not  get  up.     112-15. 

tanaisdiyai,    he  came  out  of  it  again.    314-6. 

te  nal  dit  do  te,    it  will  draw  back.    273-5. 

tee  na  in  dl  yai,    he  went  out.     153-11,  102-13. 

tee  na  in  di  ya  hit,    when  she  went  down.    325-8. 
B)   With  the  meaning  of  again,  indicating  that  the  act  has 
been  done  before,  but  not  necessarily  at   a  time  immediately 
preceding. 

aL  me  na  niL  tcwit,    with  it  she  pushed  herself.     1 35-11. 

anaidlyau,     (we)  do  this.     361-9. 

a  nai  du  win  wat,    he  shook  himself.     115-7. 

anauwlate,     I  was  intending  to  do.     260-3. 

a  na  nu  we  sin  te  te,    you  will  look.     357-5. 

a  na  hwiL  tcit  den  te,    of  me  he  will  say.    363-18. 

anaxowillau,    ready  for  a  fight.     162-10. 

anadisloi,     he  girded  himself.     221-5. 

anadistcwen,    he  made  himself .    101-14. 

anitditfen,    we  did.     217-7. 

anatcillau,    he  did.     106-8. 

a  na  tcil  lau  wei,    he  buried  it.    282-12. 

anatcillate,    he  will  do.     258-4. 

a  na  kin  nit  te,  it  grows.    356-10. 

a  da  na  win  ate,     for  himself  he  will  get.     338-9. 

yanaiskil,    he  split  it.    142-3,210-2. 

ya  nauw  tuir/,    I  will  pick  up.     286-9. 

ya  na  wil  lai,    she  picked  it  up.    307-6. 

yana  win  ai,    she  sat  down.     136-6. 

ya  na  win  a  ye,    he  sitting  down.     120-5. 

yana  wiri  en,    he  carried.    172-1. 

yana  win  tan,    he  picked  it  up.    112-11,341-13. 

ya  na  tuk  kai  tcis  tcwen,    he  made  come  between.    144-2. 

ya  na  ke  u  wuw,    he  used  to  pack  up.    237-7. 

yana  kin  en,    he  packed  up.     238-3. 

ya  na  kyu  WIL  tsil  KL  te,    they  may  split.     109-8. 

yenaidiL,    let  us  go  in.     210-13. 

ye  na  wil  Lat,    he  came  in.     329-9. 

yenawiLten,    she  put  it  in.     136-5. 

yenawiLkait,     she  landed.     135-12. 


VOL.  3]    Qoddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hnpa  Language.  71 

ye  nal  Lat,  ran  in.     329-8. 

yenaxowiHo,    dressed  in.    328-8. 

yenaxoLwaL,    he  threw  him.     106-13. 

ye  nun  dauir,    come  in.    98-17. 

yonaLtsisde,  if  he  knows.    348-6. 

yo  naL  tsit  te,    he  will  know.     295-13. 

LC  nai  yun  dil  la  te,    we  will  keep  a  fire  burning.    169-6. 

Lenaillutr,    she  started  the  fire.    153-1. 

Lenaisloi,    he  tied  together.    210-5. 

Le  na  ya  kyu  wil  lau,     they  gathered  up.     171-12. 

Lenawilla,    afire.     170-9. 

Le  na  lu»r,    he  built  a  fire.     235-14. 

LenaneLno,    he  stood  up.    235-12. 

Lena  nil  lai,    he  built  a  fire.     120-10. 

Lenanillaxolan,    a  fire  he  had  built  he  saw.    186-3. 

Lena  nil  late,    you  will  build  a  fire.    356-4. 

Lena  nil  late,    he  will  build  a  fire.    258-2. 

Le  na  niL  ten,    he  took  it  all  the  way  round.  282-10,  293-10. 

LenanindeL,    they  went  clear  round.     102-1. 

Le  na  kil  la  ne,    gather  together.    192-8. 

me  nai  lujc  te,    I  will  watch.    217-13. 

me  na  IL  kya,  she  wore  for  a  dress.    332-10. 

menaujrluirte,    I  will  watch.    267-17. 

menawiLnaei,    he  steamed  them.    342-12. 

me  na  nil  lai,    they  landed.    215-11. 

menakisloi,    he  bound  it  up.     145-11. 

me  na  kyu  WIL  tu,    they  sang  again.     238-15. 

mitdenakillai,    he  touched  it.    176-12. 

na  a  ya  dis  tsel,    they  warmed  themselves.     170-11. 

na  iu?r  loi  hit,    I  tie  them  up.     247-11. 

nai  xe  neuic  te,     he  will  talk.     295-13. 

nai  xoi  IL  tcwe  ei,    they  make  him.    196-6. 

nai  XOL  tsan  ne  te,    it  will  find  him.    307-13. 

na  is  dau  we  a  xo  lun,    it  had  melted  away.    236-1. 

naistcwen,    he  made.     110-12. 

na  is  tcwin  teL,    he  will  make.    321-11. 

nai  ke  yun  te,    they  will  grow.    296-4. 

nautctcwe,    I  am  going  to  make.    301-1. 


72  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  ETH. 

na  yai  xoi  ii,  tcwe,    they  make  him.     196-3. 

nayaistcwen,    they  made.    284-1. 

nayaneLen,     they  looked.     105-8. 

na  ya  nil  luw  ne  en,     which  had  been  lost.     144-7. 

nayaxdLtsan,    he  found  them.     267-15. 

na  ya  del  tse,    they  lived  as  before.    172-5. 

na  ya  tes  in  flx,    she  looked.     300-17. 

nawillit,     he  nearly  burned.     330-1. 

na  wil  lit  dei,    he  burned  up.    120-8. 

nawillitte,    will  be  burned.    151-5. 

na  win  Lit,    she  burned.    311-12. 

nawinkuts,     he  became  cold.     330-4. 

na  wit  dil  HL  te,    we  will  visit  continually.    177-2. 

nal  hwin  te,    will  melt  away.    273-6. 

naL  yem0,    rest.     280-5. 

na  na  iuw  me,    I  bathe  it.    247-1. 

nanaiyate,    I  am  going  to  live.     218-2. 

nanaime,    I  bathed.    311-8. 

nanaimmeei,    he  always  bathed.     311-8. 

nanaisyaexdlan,     she  could  walk.     276-11. 

na  na  ya  xon  niL  xa  ei,    they  found  his  tracks.     170-4. 

na  na  lat  de,    it  was  floating.     244-9. 

na  naL  its,    running  around.     295-10. 

nananya,    studied  again.     103-2. 

na  nan  dil  HL  te,     they  will  live.     343-13. 

nanasinyate,    you  will  be.     353-8. 

na  nas  deL  te,    they  will  live.    228-2. 

nanaduwaal,     rose  up.     103-13. 

nanaduwifia,  it  stands.    364-14. 

nanaduwifieL,    they  stuck  up.     106-14. 

nanakinnuwiLa,     he  made  a  ridge.     104-3. 

nanakiswel,    he  arranged  again.     106-7. 

nanakisle,    he  felt  around.     106-5. 

na  ne  mtr  lm/-6ii,    he  gets  well.     196-4. 

na  ne  iL  en,    she  looked  at.    245-14. 

na  ne  wit  dil  in  iL  te,    he  will  look  at.     216-18. 

na  neL  en,    he  looked  back  at.     103-14. 

na  neL  in  hit,    when  she  looked.     111-10,  294-15. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  73 

na  nu  win  htron  te,    it  will  be  good  weather.    273-5. 

na  hir OL  tsan,    you  see  me.    230-5. 

na  xoi  kyu  win  an,    he  went  to  sleep.     121-9. 

naxouh»re,    he  will  call.    283-11. 

naxowestsan,    he  was  found.    230-3. 

na  xo  wit,  tun  te,    it  will  be  wet.     273-6. 

na  xo  wiLtsaiei,    it  was  dried  up.     111-14. 

na  xo  WIL  tsai  ye,     creeks  would  dry  up.     111-12. 

na  xon  mil  xu  luir,    they  were  getting  ready.    116-4. 

na  xo  de  il  en,    he  watched  him.    202-5. 

na  XOL  tun,    let  it  get  soft.    233-6. 

na  xot  du  wes  in  te,    I  am  going  to  watch  her.    137-3. 

naseLte,    we  will  visit.    174-2. 

naseLtcwen,    I  made.    296-2. 

naseLtcwin,    I  make.    302-11. 

na  seL  tcwin  te,    I  am  doing  it  again.     254-4. 

na  del  tcwan,    eating.    321-6. 

na  dil  tcwiin,    eating.    176-9. 

na  du  wil  ye,    they  danced  again.     215-13. 

na  du  wil  tcwan,    it  was  supper  time.     141-1. 

na  dutc  in,    let  me  watch.    259-14. 

natenen,     he  looked.     97-18. 

na  ten  in  hit,    when  he  looked.     96-11. 

na  ten  in  te,  you  will  look.     356-5. 

nakinneLden,    she  made  it  blaze.    288-11. 

nakisLon,    she  made  baskets.     189-5. 

na  kit  te  it  Loic,    she  always  made  baskets.     157-3. 

na  kit  te  it  dai  ye,     it  bossoms  again.     364-3. 

nakitteLon,    she  wove  another  round.    305-7. 

na  kit  te  Lon,    she  began  to  make  baskets  again.     325-9. 

na  kyu  win  yun  te,    you  will  eat.     356-3. 

nakyuwinxa,    it  grows.    364-11. 

naditteyai,     (the  ground)  opened  up.     143-17. 

no  na  iuw  xaiuc ,    I  will  leave  it.    247-3. 

no  na  il  luir,     she  left  off.     332-10. 

no  na  iL  kyos,    she  put  away.    333-7. 

no  nai  nil,  kit,    it  settled.    96-3. 

nonaininan,    he  left.    355-10. 

AM.  ARCH.  ETH.  3.  6. 


74  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  BTH. 

nonaittse,    she  always  shut  the  door.    158-1. 

no  nauw  auto,    I  never  leave.    248-1. 

no  na  ya  kin  nin  an,    they  left  food.    110-9. 

nonanaun,    I  might  leave.     223-3. 

nonaniLten,    he  put  it.    221-11. 

no  na  ne  un,    I  will  leave.    296-5. 

no  na  nin  an,    he  placed.     117-8. 

no  na  nin  deL,    they  lived.    237-1,  241-5. 

no  na  nin  deL  xo  Ian,    they  had  sat  down  he  saw.     271-12. 

nonanintse,    he  shut  a  door.    96-9. 

nonaxontsu,    they  had  finished  fill  the  grave.    175-15. 

no  na  XOL  tutc,    he  had  her  laid.    342-8. 

no  na  du  win  taL,    he  stepped  away.    223-11. 

nonataunhit,     when  she  turned.     245-10. 

no  na  kin  auw  ne,    you  must  leave.     353-10. 

no  na  kin  niL  kis,    he  put  his  hand.    221-4. 

no  na  kin  nin  un  te,    one  should  leave.    215-8. 

no  na  kin  tan,    he  set  the  wedge  again.    109-1. 

nu  wa  na  ne  la  te,    I  will  loan  you.    356-7. 

nun  dil  le  ne,    you  may  become.     108-3. 

xa  a  na  tcil  lau,    that  he  did.     260-9. 

xa  a  na  kin  nit  te,    it  grows  up  again.    356-14. 

xa  na  wiL  ten,    he  dug  it  out.    221-10. 

xa  na  xo  iL  tuw,    she  kept  lifting  him  out.    223-15. 

xa  na  ten  en,    she  looked  for  them.    300-14. 

xa  na  kyu  x51  da  a,     grown  over  with  grass.     165-16. 

xax  a  na  nu  wis  te  te,     it  will  be  lighter.    357-6. 

xe  e  na  iL  kis,    she  pushed  it  away.    185-3. 

xeenawilLat,    he  ran  away  again.     176-16. 

xe  e  na  kiL  waL,    he  threw  her  away.    308-9. 

xoi  na  yal  wil  lil,    they  camped  along.     181-6. 

xoi  na  xo  wil  yan,    he  came  to  his  senses.     118-16. 

xoinalweL,     he  stayed  over  night.     121-16. 

xoinateLweL,    they  camped.    116-7. 

xofi  a  na  du  wil  lau,    he  dressed  himself.     139-14. 

xot  da  na  wil  lai,    they  started  by  boat.     116-8. 

sa  nan  den,    they  traveled.     116-6. 

sa  nan  din  te,    they  were  going  away.    116-5. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  75 

da  nai  wii.  kil  liL  te,    fog  will  stay.    273-2. 

da  nai  ke  xon  tcwai,    he  pawed  the  dirt.     115-6. 

danawillai,    she  put  it.    308-2. 

danawillai.,    it  was  floating  there.    325-3. 

da  na  win  tan,    he  put  it  down.     97-13. 

da  na  XOL  ten,    he  put  him.     108-1. 

danadeLwaL,     he  poured  it.     281-17. 

danadoLa,    he  can  shoot.     145-1. 

danaduwiLa,    he  set  another  on  it.     197-4. 

danaduwiLa,    he  shot.    329-12. 

danadu  win  aei,     it  stood  up.     203-10. 

danakinneutreL,    crosswise  I  lay  them.     247-5. 

dena  deiu/r  mil,    I  put.    247-9. 

de  na  du  wil  la  te,    he  will  put  in  the  fire.     255-15. 

de  na  du  win  fin  te,    he  will  put  in  the  fire.    258-2. 

do  6  na  wes  en  ei,     it  could  not  be  seen.     151-19. 

do  Le  na  nel  la,    I  do  not  build  a  fire.    355-14. 

do  min  na  na  lute,    he  never  thought  of .    341-5. 

do  na  iL  tsan,    she  did  not  find  again.    243-16. 

donaiLtsunde,    they  won't  find  again.     321-10. 

donais  tcwiii,     (nobody)  could  make.     322-8. 

do  na  ya  JL  tsis,    they  never  saw.     191-5. 

da  na  du  wiL  a  ei,    he  hit.     145-2. 

donayaxoLtsit,    they  did  not  know  him.     166-15. 

do  na  ya  XOL  tsan  nei,    they  did  not  see  him.     152-6. 

do  na  lufu  westsufi  h<run,    must  not  be  seen  again.  217-18. 

do  na  xo  wes  tsan,    he  was  not  longer  seen.     226-5. 

do  n a  XOL  tsun  flx  xo  lin,     you   won 't   see   him   any   more. 

306-6. 

donasilkas,     was  left.     192-16. 

do  tco  xo  na  wil  Ian,     (one  of  them)  went  away.     343-8. 
djenawiLtuir,    he  opened  it.     109-2. 
ta  nai  kyu  wes  sin  tee  te,    blow  out  to  sea  with  you.    228-5. 
tenawesa,    into  the  water  ran  out.    365-1. 
tsim  ma  na  xo  win  sen,    the  noise  stopped.    238-14. 
tee  na  il  lin  xo  Ian,    used  to  run.     117-18. 
tee  na  il  Lat,    she  came  there.     135-9. 
ke  na  wiL  na,    he  cooked  it.    260-6. 


76  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  ETH. 

ke  na  ne  IL  a,    she  leaned  it  up.    290-1. 

ke  na  nifi  a,    leaning  up.    99-5. 

kin  na  is  lai,    he  dreamed.    191-6. 

kinnam^laL,    I  dreamed.     191-8. 
With    d    or    t    preceding  the  root. 

B)  With  the  meaning  of  again,  indicating  that  the  act  has 
been  done  before,  but  not  necessarily  at  a  time  immediately  pre 
ceding. 

a  nauw  di  yau,    I  did  it.     282-5. 

anayadillau,    they  fixed  themselves.     170-1. 

anadiyau,    it  did  that.    244-11. 

a  na  dil  lau,    he  made  himself.    152-11. 

a  na  dil  le,  fix  yourself.     170-1. 

a  nun  di  yau,    do  that  way.    275-1. 

yanaitxus,    it  kept  flying  up.    113-1. 

yanawitqot,    he  jumped.     329-15. 

ya  na  kis  dim  mil  lei,     she  smashed  it.     152-16. 

ye  na  wil  de  ton,    she  jumped  in.     135-11. 

Le  na  in  di  yai,    he  completed  the  circuit.     220-8. 

Le  na  it  dauw,    he  used  to  make  the  rounds.    336-7. 

Le  nauu?  dil  la,    I  have  a  fire.    351-6. 

Le  na  de  eL,    they  were  jointed.    347-4. 

na  ya  is  dil  le  nei,    they  became.     166-13. 

na  ya  nu  wes  dil  lai,    they  took  the  bet.    142-17. 

na  wit  dil  liL  te,     we  will  visit  continually.     177-2. 

na  na  is  dits  tse,    he  turned  around.    314-6. 

na  na  wit  diL  te,    the  people  will  live  again.     236-3. 

na  na  kit  de  los,    he  had  fixed  the  load.    162-10. 

na  ne  wes  dil  lai,    he  won.     211-6. 

na  dil  le  te,    they  will  become  again.     116-12. 

na  dil  le  te  ne  en,    it  was  going  to  happen.    117-5. 

na  dil  lu,    it  will  be.    243-2. 

na  teL  ditc  tcwen,    he  grew.    96-1. 

na  teL  ditc  tcwiii  xo  lufi,     they  had  grown.     119-7. 

natleliLte,    it  will  become.    312-4. 

no  nai  ya  du  wit  tal,    he  stepped.    207-10. 

no  na  in  duk  qot,    he  reached  by  jumping.    329-18. 

no  na  wiL  dits  tse,    he  had  a  door  shut.    97-2. 


VOL.  3]    Qoddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  11 

no  na  wit  fats,    it  is  cut  down.    144-17. 

xaanaityau,    he  did  that  way.     255-9. 

xoi  na  se  il  de  qol,    on  her  it  kept  crawling.     185-2. 

da  nat  xuts  tse,    it  lit  on  it.     204-8. 

da  na  kit  dii  wit  tee  ii.  te,    the  wind  will  blow  gently.  273-1. 

do  na  xos  dil  le  te,    it  will  be  no  more.    228-4. 

do  nas  dil  len  nei,    it  did  not  happen.     117-5. 

dona  ted  en,    she  did  not  look  around.    136-6. 

ta  nai  win  nun  de,1    if  he  drinks.    337-16. 

tanai  win  nun  te,1    he  will  drink.    337-18. 

IDENTITY. 

Xa-  is  employed  when  it  is  wished  to  refer  to  any  act  previ 
ously  described  as  being  repeated  by  the  same,  or  a  different 
person. 

xa  ai  ya  XOL  in  °x,    they  did  that  with  him.     211-5. 

xa  a  IL  in  te,    that  will  be  done.    203-8. 

xaainnu,    he  always  did  that.    139-9,  141-9. 

xa  a  it  yau,    she  did  that.    98-8. 

xa  a  it  ya  x5  Ian,    the  same  he  found  he  was.    346-7. 

xa  auir  dl  ya  te.    what  I  am  going  to  do.    202-8. 

xa  a  ya  iL  in  Qx,    they  did  that.     105-10. 

xa  a  wil  ICL  te,    that  way  they  will  do.    242-17,  255-17. 

xa  a  win  ne  HL  te,    that  will  be  done.    229-10. 

xaawinneLte,    it  will  be  that  way.    259-18. 

xa  a  na  it  yau,    he  did  that  way.    255-9. 

xa  a  na  tcil  lau,    that  he  did.    260-9. 

xa  a  xo  lau,    he  did  the  same  thing.    278-12. 

xa  a  xoi  il  lu,    always  he  did  that.    237-9. 

xaaxolene,    he  should  do  that.    163-2. 

xa  a  XOL  tcin  ne,    he  was  telling  him  that.    150-2. 

xa  a  den  ne,    he  called  the  same.    105-5. 

xa  a  di  yau,    it  did  that.    244-14. 

xaadlyau,    the  way  he  does.    337-17. 

xaadlyauei,    it  did  that.    289-16. 

xaadiyateL,    that  way  it  will  be.    341-16. 

xa  a  til  teox,    that  strong.    294-3. 

1  The  third  syllable,    -win-,   stands  for   -wit-   because  of  the  following  n. 


78  University  of  California  Publications.  CAM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

xa  a  tin  wes  te,    the  same  thing  it  always  did.    325-11. 

xaatfinwintfe,     she  always  did  that.     136-14,  189-2. 

xa  a  tin  te,    that  way  will  do  it.    229-8. 

xaatcillau,    the  same  thing  he  did.    211-1. 

xa  a  tcit  yau,    that  he  did.    280-12. 

xa  a  kiL  in  te,    that  way  they  will  do.    211-15. 

xa  a  kyu  wil  leL  te,    he  will  do  that.    211-18. 

xa  ul  le,    do  that.     165-19. 

xa  dl  ya  te,    it  will  do  that.    254-10. 

do  xa  aim1  ne  xo  xo  liii,    I  won 't  do  that.    230-15. 

do  xa  aim1  £en,    I  never  do  that.     109-4. 

do  xa  un  dl  yau,    you  don't  do  that.    343-13. 

DISTRIBUTION. 

Te-    means  either  that  the  act  took  place  here  and  there  in 
space,  or  continuously  over  space;  or  that  one  person  after  an 
other  did  the  act.    This  particle  must  be  followed  in  the  definite 
past,  present,  and  future  tenses  by    -s-. 
A)   Of  traveling,  or  carrying  something. 

yateLkait,    they  went  on  (by  boat).     159-14. 

ya  te  seL  te,    we  will  go.    145-10. 

ya  tes  yai,    he  went  away.    360-4. 

natedeqot,    he  tumbled.     114-15. 

na  xo  tes  an,    they  ran  around.     341-4. 

nateindil,  they  go  home.    333-13. 

na  te  it  damr,  she  always  went  home.     237-6. 

natelos,    she  dragged  it  back.    190-1. 

natedillat,     it  floated  up.     245-16. 

na  teL  men,  he  made  it  swim.  266-1. 

na  teL  dit  dauir,    he  ran.     100-13,  157-6. 

na  teL  ten,  he  took  along.    282-3. 

na  tes  deL,  they  started  back.  329-18. 

na  tes  di  yai,    he  went  back.    97-17,  137-13. 

na  tes  dl  ya  yei,    he  arrived.     104-3. 

natindauw,    you  better  go  back.    329-3. 

na  tin  dl  ya  ne,    go  home.    337-18. 

na  tin  diL  tsu,    he  heard  them  coming  home.    329-5. 

niL  te  se  ya  te,    I  will  go  with  you.    187-4. 


VOL.  31    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  79 

nittSdiL,    come.     113-16. 

hiriLteLdauir,     (I  wish)  would  travel  with  me.     114-11. 

luriLtesinyate,    with  me  you  may  go.    187-7. 

xoLyatesyai,    with  them  he  went.    208-15. 

xdLteslat,    it  floated  with  him.     315-2. 

xoLtesdeL,    with  him  they  went.     110-7. 

XOL  tcit  tes  deL,     they  ran  after  them.     153-16. 

xoteeautf,     which  runs  along.    363-14. 

do  he  min  teL  dauir,    he  did  not  run  for  it.     112-13. 

do  tcit  tes  ya  te  sil  len,    he  did  not  feel  like  going  on.  281-3. 

teinnauM?,     (dawn)  comes.    310-7. 

te  in  nauur  hfrei,    they  went  along.    334-4. 

teindil,    they  flew  along.     317-3. 

te  it  tuir,    it  always  floated. 

te  wiL  autc  htcil,    it  crawls.    311-4. 

teL  ate,     a  pack-train  came.     200-1,  20J-9. 

te  nal  dit  do  te,    it  will  draw  back.    273-5. 

teseyai,    I  went  away.    353-6. 

te  se  ya  te,    I  am  going  away.    229-9. 

te  se  la  te,    I  am  going  to  take  them.    253-15. 

tesoLtinte,    you  will  take  (my  child).    222-7. 

tes  la,    he  is  drowning.    210-11. 

tes  lat  dei,    it  floated.    244-15,  245-8. 

tes  deL  ei,     (all)  flew  away.    159-12. 

tes  deL  te,    they  will  come.    252-3. 

tedeqot,     it  tumbled.     286-12. 

til  lu,    they  came.    254-12. 

tinxaiifrne,    you  take  along.    246-13. 

tsiyunte  ildil,    they  always  ran  off.    333-11. 

tsifi  te  tes  dil  deL,    we  ran  away.     198-10. 

tsintit  dil  diL,    let  us  run  away.    333-11. 

tee  xo  teL  ten,    he  took  him  along.    210-15. 

tcintellai,    they  brought  (deerskins).    230-15. 

tcit  te  il  qol  le  xo  Ian,    it  had  crawled  along  he  saw.  185-12. 

tcit  te  in  nautr,    he  used  to  come  along.    162-3. 

tcit  te  in  nauw?  xo  Ian,    he  had  traveled  he  saw.    186-8. 

tcit  teindil,    they  traveled.    190-15. 

tcit  te  it  tcwu,    he  always  cried.    186-8. 


80  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  ETH. 

tcit  teL  men,    he  made  it  swim.    265-9. 

tcit  teL  dauw,    she  ran  up.    152-15. 

tcit  teL  ten,    he  took  along.    152-9. 

tcit  teL  kait,    he  started  in  a  boat.    104-6. 

tcit  teL  kyos,    he  took  it  along.    204-6. 

tcit  teL  qol,    he  crawled.    347-8. 

tcittesyai,    he  started.     96-10. 

tcittesyayei,    she  went.    98-13. 

tcit  tes  ya  ye  xo  Ian,    he  had  traveled  he  saw.    186-1. 

tcittesla,    he  is  drowning.    210-11. 

tcit  tes  lai,    they  started  by  boat.    215-10. 

tcit  tes  xan,  he  took  along.    342-2. 

tcit  tes  deL,    they  went.    170-15. 

tcit  tes  deL  te,    he  was  to  travel  with.    174-9. 

tcit  tes  tun  de,    if  he  takes  along.    317-13. 

tcit  tin  diL,    they  are  coming.     198-2. 

tcit  tu  win  na  hi0iL  de,    it  will  pass  there.     272-8. 

kit  te  i  yauw,    they  come  to  feed.    310-10. 

kit  te  yan  nei,    they  fed  about.    98-4. 

kit  teL  tits,    he  walked  with  (for  a  cane).     317-7,  152-12. 

kittiyauw,    they  came.    98-3. 

B)   Of  doing  something  as  one  travels  along. 

ya  xo  teL  xa,    he  tracked  them.    267-15. 

yateittcwu,    they  cried  along.    179-12. 

na  ya  xo  teL  xa,    they  tracked  him.    170-3. 

tcit  te  it  tcwu,    he  always  cried.     186-8. 

tcit  te  we  in  il,    he  looked  about  as  he  went  along.     317-4. 

tcit  teL  xa,    he  tracked  it.    185-12. 

tco  xot  dit  teL  en,    he  watched  along.    97-10. 

kitteeau,    he  sang  along.    315-5. 

kit  teL  tsas,    he  whipped.    317-9. 

kittehtdl,    he  called  along.    98-4. 

kit  te  SCL  tsas  te,    I  will  whip  (as  I  walk).    317-8. 

kyateLtcwe,    she  heard  cry.    135-9. 

kya  teL  tcwu  we  tsu,    cry  he  heard.    204-9,281-11. 

kya  tu  wil  tcwel,    he  heard  crying  along.    135-10. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  81 

c)   Of  actions  which  by  their  nature  require  repeated  move 
ments,  or  considerable  duration  for  their  accomplishment. 
yateLwis,    they  were  afraid  (they  dodged).    179-10. 
ylkitteits,    he  can  shoot.    144-12. 
nainteLdik,    he  pecked.    113-14. 
na  xo  teL  tcwo  ig,    he  swept.    210-12. 
naxotesan,    they  ran  around.    341-4. 
na  te  wits  tse,    the  door  was  open.    1 18-5. 
natedittseyei,    he  opened  it.    100-10. 
natetse,    he  opened  the  door.    118-2,  158-9. 
natetseyei,    he  opened  the  door.    97-10. 
na  kit  te  it  Loir ,    she  always  made  baskets.    157-3. 
na  kit  te  Lon,    she  wove  another  round.    305-7,  325-9. 
nit  te  sil  lal  le,    you  would  go  to  sleep.    203-1. 
XOL  xut  tes  nan,    it  moved  in  her.    341-3. 
XOL  xut  tes  nun  te,    it  would  move  in  her.    341-2. 
XOL  xut  tes  nun  te  ne  en,     in  her  was  about  to  move  used 

to  be.    342-4. 

XOL  te  il  lit,    he  smoked  himself, 
xo  dit  teL  xuts,    she  felt  it  bite.     111-2. 
do  a  du  wun  tel  wis  he,     don't  be  frightened.     356-2. 
do  nit  dje  tel  tsit  ne,    don't  get  excited.     170-18. 
do  he  te  il  lit,    it  would  not  burn.     166-9. 
do  he  tel  lit,    it  would  not  burn.    363-1. 
tese  tcwit  te,    I  am  going  to  measure  it.     116-12. 
tesujrin,    I  am  going  to  look.     171-2. 
te  duk  kait  dei,    they  were  sliding  together.     294-16. 
tcexoteLwaL,    he  pulled  him.    106-17. 
tcitteyos,    she  stretched.     158-13. 
tcit  teL  LU,    he  rubbed  it.    278-10. 
tcitteLtaL,    dancing.    362-4. 
tcitteslai,    he  drew  a  bow.     144-15. 
tcit  te  te  w^en,    she  waved  fire.    242-12. 
tcit  te  te  lai,    she  rubbed.    307-3. 
tcit  te  te  tcwit,     he  completed  the  measure.     226-4. 
tcit  te  tcit,    he  almost  died.    111-16. 
tcit  te  tcwit,    he  measured  it.     116-13. 
kit  te  it  Loir ,    one  who  always  made  baskets.    324-5. 


82  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

kitteyow,    water  flowed  out.     100-11. 

kit  te  sin  kutc  teL,    you  will  play  shinny.     142-12. 

kit  te  tel  lai,    he  rubbed.     347-14. 

kittiyotr,    she  made  it  flow.     158-12. 

kit  tuw  hwaL,     I  hook.     107-5. 

kit  tuk  kutc  te,    shinny  will  be  played.    210-14. 

D)  Of  a  process  requiring  considerable  time. 

a  til  teox  teL  tcwen,    he  is  growing  strong.    294-17. 

yateLtcwen,    they  grew.    265-1. 

na  teL  ditc  tcwen,    he  grew.     96-1. 

na  teL  ditc  tcwen  ne  dun,     she  grew  time.     325-6. 

na  teL  ditc  tcwifi  xo  lun,    they  had  grown.     119-10. 

XOL  teL  tcwen,    it  grew  with  him.     137-18. 

do  he  teL  tcwen,    it  had  not  grown.     96-7. 

te  il  tcwen  ne  dun,    the  time  when  it  grew.    275-2. 

te  le  ne  xo  Ian,    it  had  become.     187-5. 

teL  tcwen,    it  grew.    96-3,  97-6. 

teL  tcwen  xo  Ian,    it  had  grown  he  saw.     97-18. 

teLtcwinde,    when  it  grows.    267-5. 

te  sil  tcwen  ne  dun,    ever  since  you  grew  time.    337-13. 

tes  tcwin  ne  en  tcin,    where  I  was  brought  up.     117-13. 

te  di  yun  te,    they  will  live  to  old  age.    227-7. 

til  tcwen,    it  grows.    296-12. 

til  tcwen  ne  en,    used  to  grow.     233-1. 

tol  tcwen,    let  it  grow.    265-6. 

tcit  teL  tcwin  hwmn,     he  may  grow.     348-6. 

E)  Of  separate  acts  repeated  in  time  or  space. 
ya  te  mite,    they  pulled  off.     179-10. 
yatexan,    he  picked  up.    109-16. 

ye  tcit  teL  kait,  one  after  the  other  he  stuck  in.    322-2. 
na  dit  teL  waL,    he  threw  them.     109-16. 
noyatemeL,    they  dropped  them  along.    179-11. 
tee  te  xan,    he  took  out  baskets  of  food.    111-5. 
tcit  teen,    he  looked.     165-19. 
tcittetemeL,     he  scattered  them.     101-4. 
tcit  te  tot,    he  drank  (repeated  draughts).    112-15. 
tcittetcwai,    she  buried  in  several  places.     192-12. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  JIupa  Language.  83 

p)   Of  acts  done  by  several  persons  in  succession. 

ya  te  yiin  xo  hln,    they  had  eaten.    100-17. 

ye  tcit  te  deL,     they  went  into.     142-9. 

naditteyai,     (the  ground)  opened  up.     143-17. 

xatedimmil,    chips  flew  off.    113-13. 

xoinateLweL,    they  camped.     116-7. 

xoiteLweL,    they  spent  the  night.    198-12,361-16. 

danoteLte,    everybody  will  fish.    256-9. 

tetmeL,     (sand)  scattered.     117-16. 

tee  te  deL,    they  went  out.    141-5. 

tcin  te  deL,    they  got  there.    138-5,  198-3. 

tcittei.tcwen,    one  after  the  other  grew.    207-1. 

tcit  te  dim  mil,    they  fell  one  after  the  other.    208-6. 
o)   Of  things  begun. 

notedukkait,    people  began  to  starve.     191-11. 

no  te  duk  kai  tei.,    they  were  about  to  starve.     191-18. 

tcisseteLwenexolan,    he  had  killed  he  saw.    186-7. 

tcoyatexait.    they  began  to  buy.    200-8. 

kitteakutc,    they  begin  to  play.     142-16. 

kit  te  hire,    he  began  to  dig.    100-8. 

H)   With  verbs  of  looking.    It  is  not  certain  to  which  of  the 
above  classes  they  belong. 

na  teuic  in  ii>  te,    I  will  look  back  from.    230-7. 

na  ten  en,    he  looked.    97-18. 

na  ten  in  iL  ta,    he  looked  back  places.    103-13. 

na  ten  in  hit,    when  he  looked.    96-11. 

na  ten  in  te,    you  will  look.    356-5. 

do  teen,    I  don't  look.     351-8. 

tei  en,    I  looked.    238-4. 

ten  in  te,    you  will  look.     140-7. 

tcit  teen,    he  looked.     165-19. 

tcittesen,    he  looked.     104-4. 

tcit  tes  en  ne  en,    he  used  to  look.    104-8. 

tcit  te  teen,    he  looked  around.     109-12,166-2. 

K-,     ky-,     found  in  a  large  number  of  verbs  as  a  prefix  or 

infix,  is  weak  in  form,  the  syllable  being  completed  according  to 

the  sounds  following  it.     No  satisfactory  meaning  or  force  for 

this  prefix  has  appeared.     It  is  probable  that  it  supplies  an 


84  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

indefinite  object  for  verbs  of  eating,  and  perhaps  some  others. 
Because  of  a  remark  of  Father  Morice,1  verbs  in  which  the  prefix 
might  refer  to  breaking,  cutting  or  tearing  have  been  listed 
separately. 

Words  definitely  changing  their  meaning  because  of  the  pres 
ence  or  absence  of  the  prefix  seem  to  be  few.  No  na  kin  nin  un  te, 
' '  one  should  leave, ' '  carries  the  meaning  of  leaving  permanently 
as  a  present ;  while  no  na  nin  un  te,  would  mean  to  leave  some 
thing  of  one 's  own  which  one  expects  to  repossess.  Na  kis  deL, 
"they  came  around,"  indicates  that  the  persons  in  question 
wandered  among  the  houses  of  the  village;  naisdeL,  would 
have  been  employed  if  they  had  come  back  to  a  definite  place. 
Kyuw  xamp,  means,  let  me  fish,  but  iuw  xauw,  let  me  catch  it. 
Many  of  the  verbs  listed  below  seem  to  indicate  an  indefiniteness 
of  place,  duration  or  number  of  the  acts  or  states. 

A)  Probably  employed  with  transitive  verbs  which  have  no 
expressed  object. 

yik  kyu  win  yan,    he  ate.    319-7. 

yik  kyu  win  yan  ne  he,    even  if  he  eats.     267-3. 

makiLkit,    she  fed  the  little  one.     192-1. 

makyuwkit,     I  better  feed  them.     192-1. 

na  kin  yun,    come  eat.    153-9,192-7. 

na  kyu  win  yun  te,    you  will  eat.    356-3. 

da  kin  yun  te,    to  chew  off.     151-9. 

dokeyan,    I  don't  eat.    351-7. 

dokittiyauw,    they  never  went  out  to  feed.    97-11. 

dokyan,    she  didn't  eat.    157-2. 

do  kyu  wit  yan,     without  eating.     226-4. 

ke  I  yan,    he  used  to  eat.    237-6. 

keiyun,    I  might  eat.    98-13. 

kei  yun  te,    I  am  going  to  eat.    97-15. 

keuLQx,    she  chewed.     276-3. 

ke  yun,    he  had  eaten.    332-6. 

kin  UL  flx,    you  chew.    275-2. 

kin  yun,    eat  it.    166-6. 

kin  nin  yan  nei,    they  came  out  to  feed.     180-13. 

kyoyun,    you  eat,     192-2. 
'Work  cited,  p.  200. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  II -a pa  Language.  85 

kyuwiiiyan,  he  went  to  eating.    98-18. 

kyuwinyunil,    you  ate  along.     121-1. 

kyu  wit  dl  yun  te,    we  shall  eat.    190-5. 

kyuhirunil,    I  ate  along.     120-16. 
B)   Possibly  having  sonic  connection  with  breaking. 

ya  na  kis  dim  mil  lei,    she  smashed  it.    152-16. 

yana  kyu  wiLtsil  Hi.  te,    they  may  split.     109-8. 

yikismiitei,     it  broke.     289-15. 

wa  kin  nil  lit  xo  Ian,    they  were  burned  through.    119-3. 

wakinninseLxolan,     it    was    heated    through    he    saw. 
329-16. 

min  no  ya  kin  fats  te  ne  en,     they  were  going  to  cut  open. 
278-5. 

min  no  kin  kil,     he  opened.  113-5. 

min  no  kyoL  dik,    pick  open.     112-17. 

na  kis  yoir  hirei,    it  flowed  in  a  circle.     100-11. 

nlyuiikiLUL,     they  were  cutting  them.     101-2. 

mil  kyu  wii.  ai..    he  cut  it.    266-10. 

xakehzre,     (she  went)  to  dig.    135-2. 

xakindemut,    it  boiled  up.     105-3. 

don  kyu/r  tuic,    I  am  splitting.     108-9. 

do  he  xa  kin  yo»r,    it  did  not  come  out.     105-5. 

tee  kin  niii  hjre,     he  had  finished  digging.     100-9. 

kiL  tuir  hie  a,    you  are  splitting  ?    108-7. 

kit  din  hire  teL  din,    where  he  would  dig  out.    100-1. 

kit  din  kil  ei,    it  broke  out,    102-2. 

kit  du  wiii  kil,    the  bank  slid  out.     252-4. 

kitteyoir,    it  flowed  out.     100-11. 

kit  te  hire,    he  began  to  dig.     100-8. 

kit  te  fats,    he  cut  them.    101-1,98-16. 

kittlyoir,     (he  caused)  it  to  flow.     158-12. 

kyu  wa  is  tcwit,     he  broke  off.     317-6,  289-7. 
c)   Of  unknown  meaning,  but  perhaps  adding  indefinitencss 
to  the  verb's  application  as  to  time,  place,  or  object. 

ai  kiL  in  te,    when  it  happens.    217-6. 

ai  kit  in  xosin,    it  did  that.    223-4. 

ai  kyu?r  en,    I  will  do.    230-16. 

ai  kyu  wil  lei  HL  te,    they  will  do.     230-8. 


86  University  of  California  Publications.  [An.  ARCH.  ETH. 

a  na  kin  nit  te,    it  grows.    356-10. 
a  diL  ya  ML  qotc,    he  threw  himself  with  it.     202-3. 
a  diL  no  ke  iL  qow,    he  used  to  throw  himself  with.    202-4. 
akillau,    they  did.    266-13. 
a  kiL  en,    what  they  do.     322-1. 
a  kit  tis  seox,    smartest.    321-11. 
akyole,    you  do.     198-2. 
yai  kyu  wil  tats,    blanket  of  strips.    207-5. 
ya  ya  kin  en,    they  packed  up.    164-4. 
ya  na  ke  u  WTUM?,    he  used  to  pack  up.    237-7. 
ya  na  Ml  lai,    he  took  in  his  hand.    337-7. 
yanakinen,    he  packed  up.    238-3. 
yakewel,    carrying  loads.    110-3. 
ya  ke  wuw  hwei,    he  used  to  carry  it  away.    162-4. 
yakiLtsis,     (he  made)  it  sprinkle.    338-2. 
yakinwuw?,    carry  it.     105-18. 
yakinwenne,    he  had  carried  it  off.     163-4. 
ya  kyu  wil  kyan  ne  xo  Ian,     they   found   they   were   preg 
nant.    278-3. 

ya  kyu  win  dits,    they  made  rope.     151-11. 
ye  ML  wis,    he  bored  a  hole.    197-3. 
ye  ML  taL,    they  began  to  dance.    179-2. 
yekiLtseL,    she  passed  in  the  water.     111-9. 
ye  kin  en,    he  brought  in.    192-3. 
ye  kin  nen  din,    light  shone  in.    308-3. 
yekyuwestce,    the  wind  blew  in.    270-4. 
ye  kyu  wes  tee  te,    the  smoke  will  blow  in.    301-8. 
yikittaate,    she  will  sing.     104-2. 
yi  kit  te  its,    he  can  shoot.    144-12. 
yi  kit  tii  hical,    he  hooks.     107-6. 
yi  kyu  wit  tsos  sil,    they  were  sucking.    325-5. 
yd  xai  na  na  kis  deL,    to  buy  they  came  back.    200-7. 
wun  no  kin  nil  lai,    she  put  her  hand  on.    246-10. 
Le  ya  ki  xo  lau,    he  gathered  the  people.     151-7. 
Le  na  ya  kyu  wil  lau,    they  gather  up  (bones).    171-12. 
Lena  Ml  lane,     gather  up  (your  things).     192-8. 
Le  na  Ml  du  hwot,    it  grew  back  on.     164-1. 
Lekixola,    gather  people.    151-5. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  87 

i,e  kin  nil.  yets  te,    to  tie  together.     151-10. 

me  ya  kyu  wiL  tel,     everybody  sang.     234-1. 

menakisloi,    he  bound  it  up.    145-11,  348-13. 

menakyuwiLtu,    they  sang  again.    238-15. 

miLwayakindil  lai,     they  traded  with  them.     200-4. 

miL  xot  da  kiL  waL,     with  she  dropped  down.     189-11. 

min  na  na  kit  del  kai,    sitting  with  one  leg  each  side.  163-7. 

minnoikiLdik,    he  pecked  open.     113-15. 

minnoikinneyotdei,    they  barked.     321-4. 

mitdena  kil  lai,     he  touched  it.     17(5-12. 

nai  ke  its,    to  shoot  at  a  mark.    305-2. 

nai  ke  yim  te,    they  will  grow.    296-4. 

nai  kyu  win  xa,     (a  pine)  stands.    347-11. 

nanakinnuwiLa,    he  made  the  ridge.     104-3. 

nanakiswel,    he  arranged  again.     106-7. 

na  na  kis  le,    he  felt  around.     106-5. 

na  na  kit  de  16s,    he  had  fixed  the  load.    162-10. 

na  xoi  kyu  win  an,     he  went  to  sleep.     121-7. 

na  kaxusdinnatsu,     someone  moving  he  heard.     165-18. 

nakinneLden,    she  made  a  blaze.    288-11. 

na  kis  its,    they  shot  at  a  mark.    266-13. 

na  kis  le,    he  felt.    107-15. 

nakisLon,     she  made  baskets.     189-5. 

na  kis  deL,    they  came  around.     200-2. 

na  kis  qot,    he  pushed  a  stick.    145-12,  348-14. 

na  kis  qot  te,    he  is  going  to  poke.    192-9. 

na  kit  te  it  Loir,    she  always  made  baskets.    157-3. 

na  kit  te  it  dai  ye,    it  blossoms  again.    364-3. 

na  kit  te  Lon,    she  wove  another  round.    305-7,  325-9. 

na  kyu  we  xo  win  sen,     they  brought  home.     145-4. 

na  kyu  wil  £ik,    he  was  tied  with  a  string.    351-10. 

na  kyu  wil  wel,    she  kept  them  shut  up.    97-11. 

na  kyu  win  a  tsu,    singing  he  heard.     186-12. 

na  kyu  win  xa,    it  grows.    364-11. 

nik  kyo  wun,    go  to  sleep.    294-5. 

nik  kyu  win  nun  te,    you  will  go  to  sleep.     252-11. 

noi  ki  yoir  din,    as  far  as  it  goes.    311-6. 

no  na  ya  kin  niii  an,    they  left  food.     110-9. 


88  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  ETH. 

no  na  kin  auw  ne,    you  must  leave.    353-10. 

no  na  kin  nil.  kis,    he  put  his  hand.    221-4. 

no  na  kin  nin  un  te,     one  should  leave.     215-8. 

no  na  kin  tan,    he  set  the  wedge  again.     109-1. 

no  ke  iuw?  qot,    I  always  set  up.    247-4. 

nokiLdjexainnauw,     she  quit  fighting.     333-6. 

nokinninyan,    he  finished.     209-12. 

no  kin  nin  yow,    were  scattered  about.     145-3. 

no  kin  nin  tan,    he  set  the  wedge.     108-11. 

nokyuwiltaL,     final  dancing  place.     105-6. 

htcis  sa  kin  its,    my  mouth  shoot  in.     118-13. 

hwnk  kyo  wun,    I  am  going  to  sleep.     121-6. 

xa  a  na  kin  nit  £e,    it  grows  up  again.    356-14. 

xa  a  kiL  in  te,    that  way  they  will  do.    211-15. 

xa  a  kyu  wil  ICL  te,    he  will  do  that.     211-18. 

xayakiswen,    they  carried  it  up.     164-5. 

xa  na  kyu  xol  da  a,     grown  over  with  grass.     165-16. 

xa  kin  its,     (she  saw)  it  shoot  up.     158-7. 

xa  kis  wen,    he  had  carried  it.    166-4. 

xa  kyu  witc  tee  HL  te,     the  wind  will  blow  out  from  the 

ground.     272-10. 

xeenakiLwaL,    he  threw  her  away.     308-9. 
xoi  kyu  win  an,    he  went  to  sleep.    121-7. 
xo  wun  na  kis  le,    he  felt  of  him.     153-5. 
XOL  ya  kit  wul,    with  him  he  seesawed.    107-10. 
XOL  no  kin  nil  lit,    he  finished  sweating.     209-13. 
xosakinits,    in  his  mouth  he  shot.    118-14. 
xot  da  na  kyu  we  sin  tee  te,    yoii  will  blow  down.     227-5. 
xot  da  ke  I  yauir ,    they  came  down  the  hill.    310-6. 
xotdakyuwes  tee,    it  blows  down.    227-7. 
xo  kyu  win  nan,    he  went  to  sleep.     203-1. 
da  nai  ke  xon  tcwai,    he  pawed  the  dirt.     115-6. 
da  na  kin  nemr  eL,    crosswise  I  lay  them.     247-5. 
da  na  kit  du  wit  tee  IL  te,    the  wind  will  blow  gently.  273-1. 
da  kiL  kis,    he  put  his  hand.     140-3. 
da  kit  de  it  tee,    it  blew.    324-6. 
da  kit  du  wes  tee,    the  wind  blew.    324-4. 
da  kyu  wes  tee,    the  wind  blew  on  it.    348-3. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  89 

da  kyu  win  xa  ei,     it  stood.     242-3. 

de  kit  dil  lite  te,    to  urinate  on  the  fires.     151-10. 

do  kiL  tcwit,    he  never  pushes  it.    106-12. 

ta  nai  kyu  wes  sin  tee  te,    blow  out  to  sea  with  you.    228-5. 

ta  kit  den  tee,    the  wind  blows  out  of  the  water.    365-12. 

tekelyauirhtrei,     go  in.     311-2. 

tekeitste,     I  will  shoot  in.     112-9. 

te  kil  la  hit,    when  he  put  his  hand  in  it.    337-4. 

te  kiL  qotc,    he  threw  it  in.     112-6. 

tee  kin  niii  van,    they  came  out.     98-2. 

tee  kyu  wes  tee,    it  blew  out.    324-8. 

keitLo,    she  used  to  make  baskets.    189-1. 

ke  it  mil  lei,    they  drop.     180-14. 

kewelle,    someone  carrying  a  load  along.     105-14,  166-4. 

ke  win  xiits,    he  fell  over.     105-17. 

kin  na  is  lal,     she  dreamed.     191-6. 

kin  nautf  laL,    I  dreamed.    191-8. 

kin  ne  so  yun  te,    may  you  grow  to  be  men.    238-13. 

kin  niii  en,    he  brought  it.    97-14. 

kin  nin  in  hit,    when  she  came  with  the  load.    238-1. 

kin  no  de  eL,    they  stick.    363-15. 

kislete,    they  will  catch  many.     257-10. 

kis  xufi,    a  tree  standing.     113-7. 

kistseLtse,    pounding  they  heard.     170-6. 

kit  tai  yiL  tsit,    they  were  soaking  acorns. 

kittaya  wiLtsit,    they  soaked  the  meal.     180-4. 

kit  tai.  tsit  xo  sin,    they  were  soaking  acorns.   210-9,  209-3. 

kit  tea  kutc,    they  begin  to  play.    142-16. 

kit  tee  an,    he  sang  along.    315-5. 

kitteiyau/r,    they  came  to  feed.    310-10. 

kit  te  it  Loir,    who  always  made  baskets.     324-5. 

kitteyannei,    they  fed  about.    98-4. 

kit  teL  tsas,    he  whipped.    317-9. 

kit  teL  tits,    he  used  for  a  cane.    317-7. 

kittehidl,    he  called  along.    98-4. 

kit  teseL  tsas  te,    I  will  whip.     317-8. 

kit  te  sin  kutc  teL,    you  will  play  shinny.    142-12. 

kit  te  tel  lai,    he  rubbed.    347-14. 

AM.  ARCH.  ETH.  3,  7. 


90  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

kittiyauw,    they  came.    98-3. 

kittiyow,    he  caused  to  flow.     158-12. 

kit  tin  en  ne,     carry  them.     237-3. 

kit  tuw?  hwaL,    a  hook.    107-5. 

kit  tuk  kutc  te,    shinny  will  be  played.    210-14. 

kyadane,    they  picked.     138-7. 

kya  da  ne  xo  win  sen,    they  commenced  to  pick.    138-6. 

kyateLtcwe,    she  heard  it  cry.    135-9. 

kya  teL  tcwu  we  tsu,    it  cry  he  heard.    204-9,  281-11. 

kya  tu  wil  tcwel,    he  was  crying  along.    135-10. 

kyo  ya  win  hwal,    they  fished.    328-3. 

kyoL  kis  xo  sin  xo  Ian,     spearing  salmon  they  had  been  he 
saw.     140-11. 

kyohwalle,    somebody  hooking.     106-15. 

kyo  du  WIL  tsots  tse,    a  kissing  noise  she  heard.     111-9. 

kyo  dil  len,    he  might  be  cold.    169-5. 

kyo  diL  tsots  ne,    make  a  kissing  noise.    111-7. 

kyu  wa  na  iL  tuw,    he  who  gives  back.    241-4. 

kyuwennmtf,    it  thundered.     144-5. 

kyu  wes  tee  ei,    it  blew  she  saw.    324-9. 

kyuwilmedj,    he  boiled.    166-5. 

kyu  wil  tel,    it  was  paveu.    140-6. 

kyu  win  nai  da,    to  hunt  they  traveled.     190-15. 

kyu  win  nan  xo  Ian,    he  went  to  sleep.    347-1. 

kyu  win  xa,    she  left  standing  (a  tree).    289-8. 

kyu  win  dil,    there  was  a  ringing  noise.    96-2. 

kyu  win  diL  tsu,    a  jingling  noise  he  heard.     293-3,  152-1. 

kyu  win  dits  te,    to  make  rope.     151-6,  8. 

kyuwinket,    it  creaked.    114-17. 

kyu  wit  noL,    it  was  blazing.     109-11. 

kyu  wit  dai  ye  IL  win  te,    it  always  blossoms.     365-4. 

kyu  wit  tee  il,    it  blew  along.     324-7. 

kyu  wit  tcwok  kai,    are  strung  on  a  line.    165-8. 

kyutctcwit,    let  me  push  it.     106-11. 

kyuii  xow  tu,    I  am  begging.    152-13. 

A-  introduces  verbs  of  saying,  thinking,  doing,  and  appear 
ing.  It  seems  to  have  no  definite  meaning.  It  is  omitted  in  verbs 
of  saying  and  thinking  whenever  the  direct  object  directly  pre- 


VOL.  3]    Goddard  — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  91 

cedes  the  verb.  It  may  possibly  be  an  indefinite  object  for  the 
verb,  and  therefore  not  be  needed  when  a  definite  object  is 
expressed. 

A)   With  verbs  of  thinking  and  saying. 

ai  yon  des  ne  te,    she  will  think  about.     104-1. 

ainesen,     I  thought.     187-3. 

ai  nin  sin  ne,    you  must  think.    208-17. 

ainujrsin,    I  thought  so.    353-3. 

ai  XOL  ne,    he  kept  telling  him.     208-13. 

ai  XOL  den  ne,    she  used  to  tell  her.    135-3. 

a  yai  XOL  du  wen  ne,    they  said.     165-2. 

a  yai  du  wen  ne,    they  said.    165-7. 

a  yaL  de  iutc  ne,     I  told  them.     301-1. 

a  yaL  tcit  den  ne,    he  told  them.    109-18. 

ayan,    said  that.    116-17. 

a  ya  du  win  nel,    they  were  saying.    153-14. 

aL  tcit  den  ne,    he  talked  to  them.    111-6,  111-6. 

a  na  hiriL  tcit  den  te,    of  me  he  will  say.    363-18. 

a  no  hoL  tcit  den  ne,    he  said  of  us.    302-3. 

an  tsu,    he  heard  cry.    281-13. 

a  htriL  tcin  ne,    he  will  say  of  me.    363-16. 

a  hiriL  tcit  den  hicun,    he  must  tell  me.    314-11. 

a  htr iL  tcit  du  win  neL,    they  told  me.    355-11. 

a  XOL  tcit  den  ne,    he  said  to  him.    97-7. 

a  XOL  tcit  den  tsu,    he  heard  say.    141-8. 

a  den  ne,    he  said.    97-15. 

a  den  de,    if  he  sings.    236-2. 

a  den  tsu,    she  heard  cry.     171-3. 

a  du  win  nel  HI,    he  said.    235-4. 

atcoinne,    he  kept  thinking.     139-4,137-4. 

a  tcon  des  ne,    he  thought.    96-7,  97-5,  6. 

xa  a  XOL  tcin  ne,    he  was  telling  him  that.    150-2. 

xa  a  den  ne,    he  called  the  same.     105-5. 

do  ai  nin  sin  °x,    you  don 't  think.    337-9. 

do  a  hiriL  tcit  den  de,    if  he  does  not  tell  me.     257-12. 

do  a  du  win  ne  he,    don 't  say  that.    175-1. 


92  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

B)   With  verbs  of  doing  or  happening.1 
a  en  nu,    it  does  it.    275-5. 
ai  la  te,    they  will  catch.    253-10. 
a  iL  en  ka,    way  they  do  it.    227-2. 
a  IL  in  ne  en,    used  to  chase.    322-5. 
a  iL  in  te,    they  will  do.     266-13. 
a  in  nu,    he  did.    288-9. 

ainnumiL,    when  the  sun  was  (here).    332-4. 
aixoiille,    they  do  with  him.     196-7. 
a  it  yau  xo  lun,    tired  he  was.    346-10. 
a  it  ya  de,    if  he  does.    348-7. 
aikiLinte,    when  it  happens.     217-6. 
ai  kit  in  xo  sin,     (bears)  did  that.     223-4. 
ai  kyuw  en,     I  will  do.     230-16. 
ai  kyu  wil  lei  HL  te,    they  will  do.    230-8. 
au  wil  lau,    it  was  made  of.    108-2. 
au  wil  la  ne  en  iik,    he  used  to  do  way.    106-8. 
auwinneLte,    it  will  be.     105-12. 
auwinneLde,    if  it  happens.     117-9. 
auwlau,    I  have  done.     260-3. 
amtf  la  te,    what  shall  I  do  with  it.    293-8. 
auwdiya,    I  might  manage  it.     101-11. 
auwdlyau,    I  did.    325-17,  276-5. 
auw  dl  ya  te,    am  I  going  to  do  this.     257-14. 
auw?  tin  ne  en,    I  used  to  do.    341-7. 
ayainnu,    they  used  to  have  sports.    305-2. 
ayaxola,     (I  wish)  could  befall  them.    321-9. 
a  ya  ten,    they  did.    305-5. 
ayaiinneen,    they  used  to  do  that.    306-1. 
ayatcillau,    they  fixed.    172-4. 
ayatcone,    let  them  do  that.    365-16. 
a  wil  la,    I  wish  would  happen.     150-11. 
a  win  neL  te,    it  will  be.    289-11. 
awinnu,    one  should  do.    99-11. 
a  la  te,    what  are  you  going  to  do  ?    102-15. 
a  le  ne,    you  must  do  it.    100-18,  101-3. 


1  Some  verbs  show  specialized  meanings   but   are   plainly   derived   from 
verbs  of  doing,  as  is  shown  by  the  roots  they  contain. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  93 

anaidlyau,    do  this.    361-9. 

a  nau/r  late,    I  was  intending  to  do.    260-3. 

anautrdiyan,    I  did  it.    282-5,325-12. 

anayadillau,    they  fixed  themselves.     170-1. 

anaxdwillau,    ready  for  a  fight.    162-10. 

anadiyau,     it  did  that.     244-11. 

anaditten,    we  did.    217-7. 

anatcillan,    he  did.     106-8. 

a  na  tcil  Ian  wei,    he  buried  it.    282-12. 

a  na  tcil  la  te,    he  will  do.    258-4. 

a  nun  dl  yau,    do  that  way.    275-1. 

ahtrola,    you  have  treated  me.    166-12. 

a  xo  wit  la,     it  would  happen  to  him.    223-1. 

axolade,    if  it  happens.    308-1,  5. 

a  xo  dil  la,    we  could  do  with  him.    116-16. 

adlyauwei,    it  is  coming  (will  happen).     104-14. 

adiyateL,    it  would  do.    234-11. 

a  ten,    did  it. 

a  ten  ka,    the  way  they  do.    231-5. 

a  tin  wes  te,    had  done.    325-10. 

afinte,     (Indians)  will  do.     215-9. 

a  tcil  lau,    he  did  it.     112-5. 

a  kil  lau,    they  did.     266-13. 

a  ML  en,    what  they  do.    322-1. 

akyole,    you  do.     198-2. 

akyuwillelliLte,    it  will  do.    236-3. 

maakiLenneen,    their  doings.     361-11. 

xa  ai  ya  XOL  in  °x,    they  did  that  with  him.    211-5. 

xaailau,    it  broke.    290-1. 

xaaiLinte,    that  will  be  done.    203-8. 

xaainnu,    he  always  did  that.     139-9,  141-9. 

xa  a  it  yau,    he  did  that.     98-8. 

xa  a  it  ya  xo  Ian,    the  same  he  found  he  was.    346-7. 

xaauirdiyate,    I  am  going  to  do  what.    202-8. 

xa  a  ya  IL  in  flx,    they  did  that.     105-10. 

xaawilleLte,    he  will  do  that  way.    255-17. 

xa  a  win  neL  te,    it  will  be  that  way.    259-18. 

xa  ana  it  yau,    he  did  that  way.    255-9. 


94  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

xa  a  na  tcil  lau,    that  he  did.    260-9. 

xa  a  xo  lau,    he  did  the  same  thing.    278-12. 

xa  a  xoi  il  lu,    always  he  did  that.     237-9. 

xaaxolene,    he  should  do  that.    163-2. 

xa  a  di  yau,    it  did  that.    244-14. 

xa  a  di  ya  teL,    that  way  it  will  be.    341-16. 

xaa£inwes£e,    the  same  thing  it  always  did.    325-11. 

xa  a  tin  win  te,    she  always  did  that.    136-14,  189-2. 

xa  a  tin  te,    that  way  will  do  it.     229-8. 

xa  a  tcil  lau,    the  same  thing1  he  did.    211-1. 

xaatcityau,    that  he  did.    280-12. 

xa  a  kiL  in  te,    that  way  they  will  do.    211-15. 

xa  a  kyu  wil  leL  te,    will  do  that.     211-18. 

da  xo  a  di  ya  xo  Ian,    was  dead  they  found  out.     175-11. 

da  xo  a  ten,    who  die.    346-4. 

da  xo  mi  a  di  ya  te,    they  will  die.    217-16. 

do  xa  anw  ten,    I  don 't  do  that.    109-4. 

doxaundiyau,    you  don't  do  that.    343-13. 

do  da  xo  a  tin,    would  never  die.    221-13. 
c)   With  verbs  of  appearing. 

a  in  te,    how  he  appeared.     209-5. 

a  na  nu  we  sin  te  te,    you  will  look.    357-5. 

ana  kin  nit  te,    it  grows.     356-10. 

a  ne  e  te,    he  looked  that  way.     321-7. 

a  nu  wes  te,    he  looked.     143-14,  182-2. 

a  tcin  te  detc,    he  is.     351-2. 

akittisseox,    smartest.    321-11. 

Xo-  prefixed  to  a  verbal  root  forms  a  word,  usually  unlimited 
as  to  person  and  number.  Several  of  these  are  used  as  auxil 
iaries  and  suffixes. 

xo  WIL  tsai  ye  de,    until  it  becomes  dry.    225-7. 

xo  win  kuts,    it  was  cold.    169-3. 

xowittse,    it  was  crowded.    238-9. 

xolen,    she  has.    333-9. 

xolin,     (I  wish)  was.    340-7. 

xo  lun,    he  saw.     144-4,  361-16. 

xo  lun  teL,    that  will  do  it.    328-9,  209-12. 

xo  Lit,    a  noise.    241-2. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  95 

xoskutsmiL,    on  account  of  the  cold.    271-11. 
do  xo  len,    there  was  none.    159-3,  106-6,  159-2. 
do  xo  lin,    it  is  gone.    141-8. 
do  xos  le,    there  was  none.    98-7,  322-5. 

CONJUGATIONS. 

When  the  Hupa  verbs  are  classified  according  to  the  syllable 
immediately  preceding  the  root  in  the  definite  tenses,  they  fall 
into  four  conjugations.  There  are  only  three  of  these  syllables 
which  characterize  the  conjugations,  the  lack  of  the  definite 
tenses  being  the  peculiarity  of  the  fourth  conjugation. 

By  far  the  greater  number  of  verbs  have  a  syllable  preceding 
the  root  in  the  definite  tenses,  which  contains  w-  as  its  initial 
sound.  The  form  of  the  remainder  of  the  syllable  depends,  first, 
upon  the  number  and  person  of  the  particular  form  appearing; 
and,  second,  upon  the  class  (or  voice)  in  which  the  verb  happens 
to  be.  The  sound  w-  is  alone  the  constant  characteristic  of  the 
conjugation.  In  the  Hupa  language  this  w-  seems  to  have  no 
definite  meaning  of  its  own.  Its  occurrence  depends  largely  or 
wholly  upon  the  prefixes  which  introduce  the  verb.  From  other 
Athapascan  languages  and  dialects,  it  seems  probable  that  its  use 
originally  signified  the  beginning  of  an  act  or  state.  This  view 
is  borne  out  by  a  study  of  the  prefixes  which  require  its  use  in 
Hupa,  and  by  the  fact  that  certain  things,  to  the  Hupa  mind 
without  origin,  do  not  take  verbs  with  w-.  One  may  say  of  a 
pond  of  water  which  has  been  caused  by  rain,  win  xa,  "water 
lies  there";  but  of  the  ocean,  or  a  natural  lake,  nan  xa. 

In  a  precisely  parallel  manner,  the  second  conjugation  has 
n-  as  the  initial  sound  of  the  inflected  syllable  in  the  definite 
tenses.  It  occurs  in  a  few  cases  without  a  prefix,  where  the 
meaning  shows  that  the  completion  of  the  act  is  in  the  mind  of 
the  speaker,  e.g.,  ninyade,  "if  he  comes,"  334-10.  Its  use, 
however,  in  most  verbs,  is  governed  by  the  adverbial  prefixes 
which  precede  it.  These  for  the  most  part  are  consistent  with  the 
meaning  of  completion,  as  no-,  meaning  the  placing  of  some 
thing  in  a  position  of  rest,  or  the  cessation  of  motion. 

Without  exact  parallelism  of  forms,  the  third  conjugation  is 
made  up  of  verbs  having  s  as  the  characteristic  of  the  inflected 


96 


University  of  California  Publications.  [An.  ARCH.  ETH. 


syllable.  In  meaning,  verbs  of  this  conjugation  are  in  contrast 
with  the  two  preceding  conjugations,  in  that  the  act  or  state  is 
conceived  as  existing  over  considerable  extent  of  time  or  space. 
Xaisyai,  "he  came  up  the  hill";  xaisxan,  "he  brought 
water  up  the  hill";  xa  win  yai,  "he  came  out  of  the  smoke- 
hole";  xawinxan,  "he  took  water  out  of  a  well."  In  some 
cases  where  there  is  chance  for  confusion  -s  is  found  in  all  the 
forms  of  the  verb,  to  make  it  clear  that  the  longer  or  more  con 
tinued  act  is  the  one  meant. 

After  the  verbs  belonging  to  the  three  preceding  conjugations 
have  been  eliminated  there  remains  a  considerable  number  which 
differ  in  form  from  the  others  in  that  they  have  none  of  the 
definite  tenses,  but  usually  form  a  past  from  the  indefinite  pres 
ent  by  a  change  in  the  length  or  the  form  of  the  root  syllable. 
As  regards  the  meaning  of  the  verbs  of  this  fourth  conjugation, 
they  may  be  said  to  constitute  a  class,  rather  indefinite  in  its 
boundary  lines,  which  includes  verbs  of  general  rather  than 
specific  meaning.  Among  these  are  the  verbs  of  doing,  speaking, 
hearing,  seeing,  dying,  and  many  others. 

The  first  and  third  conjugations  are  subdivided  according  to 
the  phonetic  changes  suffered  after  various  prefixes. 

CLASS  I. 

Conjugation  IA. 
Tee  xauw,    he  is  catching. 


Present  Indefinite. 

Singular. 

Plural. 

1. 

iuw  xauw; 

it  de  xauw 

2. 

in  xauw 

6  xauw 

3. 

tee  xamo 

ya  xauw 

3a. 

ye  xauw 

yai  xauw 

Impotential. 

Singular. 

Plural. 

1. 

doxolin  iuwxauw 

doxolin  it  de  xauw 

2. 

in  xauw 

6  xauw 

3. 

tee  xauw 

ya  xauw 

3a. 

ye  xauw 

yai  xauw 

VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language. 


Singular. 

2.  in  xaut0 

3.  tcoxauw 
3a.  yo  xautc 

Singular. 

1.  eiiur  xamr 

2.  e  in  xawr 

3.  tceexauir 
3a.  yeexauw? 

Singular. 

1.  wexun 

2.  wifi  xiin 

3.  tcu  win  xun 
3a.  yu  win  xim 

Singular. 

1 .  we  xan 

2.  win  xan 

3.  tcu  win  xan 
3a.  yu  win  xan 


Imperative. 

Plural. 
6  xamr 
yatcoxamr 
yai  yoxaiur 

Customary. 

Plural. 

eitdexauir 
e  6  xaiur 
yaexauto 
yai  e  xauw 

Present  Definite. 

Plural. 

wit  de  xun 
wo  xun 
ya  win  xun 
yai  win  xun 

Past  Definite. 

Plural, 
wit  de  xan 
wo  xan 
ya  win  xan 
yai  win  xan 


THE  SIGNS  OF  PERSON  AND  NUMBER. 

Since  the  verb  wrhose  conjugation  is  given  above  has  no  prefix, 
the  present  tense  shows  only  the  root  with  the  signs  of  person 
and  number  preceding.  The  customary  tense  has  the  same  form 
as  the  present  except  the  tense  sign  -e-,  which  precedes  the 
signs  of  person  in  the  first  and  second  person  singular  and 
plural,  but  stands  between  the  sign  and  the  root  in  the  third 
person. 

First  Person. — The  sign  of  the  first  person  singular  appears 
as  iujf-.  The  first  sound,  represented  by  i,  is  one  of  the 
weakest  of  the  Hupa  vowels,  and  often  appears  as  the  support 
of  consonants  which,  in  other  cases,  are  attached  to  the  preceding 
or  succeeding  syllables.  The  second  sound,  represented  by  u, 
is  a  glide  formed  by  the  passage  of  the  vocal  organs  from  the 
position  of  i  to  that  of  the  following  sound.  It  is  close  in 


98  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

quality  and  quite  short  in  duration.  The  final  sound  is  made  by 
unvoiced  breath  passing  through  the  mouth,  which  is  in  the 
position  of  w.  This  is  evidently  related  to  the  pronoun  of  the 
first  person  singular,  hwe.  The  other  dialects  of  the  Pacific 
Division  of  the  Athapascan  languages  have  -ic-  or  -is-  for 
the  sign  of  the  first  person  singular  of  the  present  tense.  The 
corresponding  pronoun  in  those  dialects  is  ci  or  ce.1 

First  Person  Plural.  In  the  plural  of  the  first  person  it  de- 
is  found  as  the  sign.  The  constant  portion  of  this  sign  appears 
to  be  that  represented  by  d.  Its  vowel,  or  vowel  plus  a  conso 
nant,  seems  to  depend  on  the  following  sound,  as  so  often  hap 
pens  in  the  Hupa  language.  When  the  following  syllable  begins 
with  a  consonant,  the  syllable  ends  with  the  same  or  a  closely 
related  consonant.  The  vowel  is  usually  i,  but  in  the  case  of 
post-palatal  k,  u  is  frequently  employed,  as  it  might  also  be 
in  the  present  case.  Some  speakers  say  it  dux  xauw.  The 
first  syllable  of  this  sign,  it,  seems  to  consist  of  the  weak  vowel 
i,  which,  not  being  able  to  stand  in  an  open  syllable,  has  taken 
over  the  corresponding  surd  from  the  following  sonant,  d.  That 
this  is  the  truth  would  appear  from  the  fact  that  in  case  of  a 
preceding  prefix  the  syllable  disappears,  the  vowel  apparently 
contracting  with  it. 

There  is  no  apparent  connection  between  this  sign  and  the 
pronoun  of  the  first  person  plural,  ne  he. 

Second  Person  Singular. — For  the  sign  of  the  second  person 
singular  in-  appears.  As  will  be  seen  later,  this  becomes  in- 
before  dentals  and  im-  before  m,  the  only  labial.  When  the 
sign  follows  a  prefix  ending  in  a  vowel,  n  appears  as  the  final 
sound  of  the  prefix.  This  sign,  -n  or  in,  is  perhaps  connected 
with  the  personal  pronoun  of  the  second  person  singular,  nin. 

Second  Person  Plural. — In  this  case  the  vowel  o-  stands 
alone,  forming  the  initial  syllable.  It  is  of  normal  length  but 
somewhat  more  open  than  the  more  frequent  sound,  and  aspir 
ated.  While  it  does  not  approach  the  sound  of  the  so-called  short 
o  in  English,  it  impresses  the  ear  as  dull  in  quality.  It  may  or 
may  not  be  related  genetically  with  the  vowel  of  the  personal 
pronoun  of  the  second  person  plural,  no  hin. 

1  This  phonetic  change  of  c  to  law  and  uw  is  regular  between  the 
other  dialects  of  this  group  and  Hupa. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  99 

Third  Person  Singular. — Two  forms  occur  in  Hupa  for  the 
third  person  of  pronouns.  The  first  form  given  is  that  used  in 
speaking  of  adult  members  of  the  Hupa  people.  The  second  form 
is  used  when  speaking  of  Hupa  children,  and  sometimes  of  aged 
people;  of  members  of  other  tribes  and  races;  and  of  animals. 
The  first  form  begins  with  tc-,  which  are  constant.  Before 
vowels  the  syllable  usually  ends  in  e.  Before  consonants  it  takes 
over  the  consonant,  or  its  surd  in  the  case  of  a  sonant.  The 
vowel  in  that  case  is  i,  or  before  k,  u.  In  the  present  case 
the  vowel  is  distinguished  with  difficulty,  being  either  e,  as  is 
written  here,  or  u.  It  is  equally  hard  to  determine  whether  the 
x  belongs  to  both  syllables  or  only  to  the  last. 

There  is  no  personal  pronoun  from  which  this  sign  could  have 
been  derived.  The  fact  that  it  applies  only  to  a  certain  class 
would  point  to  a  demonstrative  origin. 

The  second  form  has  y  for  its  initial  sound,  and  makes  the 
same  combinations  with  the  following  sounds  that  tc  do  in 
the  first  form,  except  that  before  vowels  it  has  i  for  its  vowel, 
instead  of  e.  It  may  well  be  connected  with  the  demonstrative 
pronoun  yo. 

Third  Person  Plural. — As  in  the  singular,  two  forms  appear. 
The  first,  ya-,  is  everywhere  the  sign  of  the  third  person  plural 
in  the  verb,  and  is  also  the  sign  of  the  plural  in  the  demonstra 
tive  pronoun,  as  has  been  shown  above.  The  second  form  is  yai-. 
The  diphthong  in  this  case  has  the  clear,  prominent  sound  of  I 
as  its  last  element. 

Imperative. 

The  first  and  second  persons  singular  and  plural  of  the  pres 
ent  may  be  used  of  future  intended  action.  The  first  person  may 
mean  either  that  the  speaker  is  actually  doing  the  thing  or  only 
that  he  announces  his  intention  or  desire  to  immediately  begin 
doing  it.  The  second  person  singular  and  plural  may  not  only 
mean  that  the  person  spoken  to  is  doing  the  thing,  usually  quite 
unnecessary  information,  or  they  may  convey  the  command  or 
exhortation  to  do  it. 

In  the  place  of  the  third  person  of  the  present  a  different 
form  is  used  which  expresses  the  desire  or  command  that  a  third 
person  do  the  contemplated  thing.  For  adult  Hupa  the  form  is 


100  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

tco-,  which  characterizes  both  singular  and  plural,  but  with  a 
preceding  syllable,  ya-,  in  the  plural.  For  all  others  the  form 
is  either  yo-  or  6-.  This  third  person  with  6,  alone  or  in 
combination,  may  be  connected  with  a  future  tense  found  in 
Navaho  which  also  has  an  o. 

Definite  Tenses. 

In  the  definite  tenses,  if  it  is  assumed  that  the  tense-mode  sign 
is  w-.  nothing  is  found  different  from  the  person  and  number 
signs  already  discussed  except  the  first  person  singular  and  the 
third  person  singular  and  plural. 

First  Person  Singular. — Proceeding  on  the  assumption  that 
w-  is  the  full  sign  of  tense  and  mode,  the  personal  sign  is  e, 
the  vowel  of  the  first  syllable.  This  conclusion  is  borne  out  by 
all  the  evidence  at  hand,  not  only  in  regard  to  the  Hupa  lan 
guage,  but  by  other  Athapascan  languages  as  well.  This  vowel  is 
of  normal  length  and  but  slightly  dulled  as  compared  with  the 
usual  open  e.  It  is  sometimes  heard  approaching  close  e,  but 
on  longer  acquaintance  is  easily  distinguished  from  it,  except 
when  it  is  followed  by  y.  There  seems  to  be  nothing  elsewhere 
in  the  language,  either  in  the  pronoun  or  verb,  with  which  to 
connect  it. 

Third  Person  Singular  and  Plural. — The  sign  of  the  third 
person  precedes  instead  of  following  the  tense  sign.  The  vowel 
u  in  the  forms  of  the  singular  is  due  to  the  following  w.  If 
the  assumption  that  w-  is  the  tense  sign  holds  good,  in  of 
the  middle  syllable  remains  unexplained. 

Intransitive  verb,  with  a  different  root  in  the  plural.  (Irreg 
ular.) 

Ye  tcin  nam#,    he  goes  in. 

Present  Indefinite. 

Singular.  Dual.  Plural. 

1.  ye  iuw  hwanw  yeediL  yeyaidiL 

2.  ye  in  yauw  ye  5  diL 

3.  yeteinnauw  ye  tcin  diL  ye  ya  in  diL 
3a.  ye  in  nauw  ye  in  diL  ye  yun  dii> 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language. 


101 


Singular. 

1.  do  xo  lin  ye  iuir  htrantc 

2.  ye  in  yautr 

3.  ye  tcin  nauw 
3a.  ye  in  nawr 


Impotential. 

Dual. 

do  xo  liii  ye  e  dil 
ye  6  dil 
ye  tcin  dil 
ye  in  dil 


Plural, 
ye  yai  dil 

yayaindil 
ye  yun  dil 


(yeeL) 


Imperative. 
Dual, 
ye  e  dii, 
yeodir. 
yetcondii. 
yeondiL 

Customary. 
Dual, 
yeeedil 
ye  6  6  dil 
ye  tee  in  dil 
yeein  dil 


[Mural. 


Singular. 

1.  ye  iiiir  hira 

2.  ye  in  yamr 

3.  ye  tco  ya 
3a.  ye  o  ya 

Singular. 

1.  ye  e  iu»r  hir awr 

2.  ye  e  in  y&uw 

3.  ye  tee  in  nauw 
3a.  ye  e  in  nauw 

Singular. 

1.  ye  we  ya 

2.  ye  win  ya 

3.  ye  tcu  win  ya 
3a.  ye  win  ya 

Singular. 

1.  ye  we  yai 

2.  ye  win  yai 

3.  ye  tcu  win  yai 
3a.  ye  win  yai 

Intransitive  verbs  like  the  one  given  above  have  the  same 
signs  to  indicate  the  person  and  number  as  the  transitive,  with 
the  exception  of  the  first  person  dual.  Instead  of  it  de,  e  is 
found.  This  is  to  be  compared,  perhaps,  with  the  sign  of  the 
first  person  singular  of  the  definite  tenses.  The  number  is  espe- 


Present  Definite. 

Dual. 

ye  we  deL  (ye  weL) 

ye  wo  deL 

ye  tcu  win  deL 

ye  win  deL 


yeyatcon  dii, 
ye  ya  on  dii. 

Plural, 
yeyaedil 

ye  ya  in  dil 
ye  ya  in  dil 

Plural, 
ye  yai  deL 

ye  ya  win  deL 
ye  yan  deL 


Past  Definite. 

Dual. 

Plural. 

ye  we  deL 

ye  yai  deL 

ye  wo  deL 

ye  tcu  win  deL 

ye  ya  win  deL 

ye  win  deL 

ye  yan  deL 

102  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

cially  marked  by  a  root  entirely  different  from  that  in  the  singu 
lar.  These  verbs  with  different  roots  in  the  singular  and  plural, 
and  these  only,  have  a  separate  form  for  the  third  person  dual. 
The  form  is  the  same  as  that  for  the  singular  except  for  the  root. 
The  third  person  plural  does  not  have  the  sign  of  the  third 
person  found  in  the  dual  and  singular,  but  has  the  regular  sign 
of  the  plural,  ya. 

The  verb  conjugated  above  is  somewhat  irregular.  In  the 
indefinite  tenses  the  root  changes  its  form  in  the  singular  for 
each  person.  It  seems  probable  that  this  is  a  phonetic  change, 
and  that  the  root  is  -yauw,  modified  in  the  first  person  by  the 
sign  for  that  person,  \\w.  In  the  definite  tenses  where  this 
is  not  found  the  root  has  its  regular  form.  If  this  surmise 
is  correct,  the  second  person  needs  no  explanation  and  the  third 
person  has  been  infected  by  n,  which  appears  also  in  the  third 
person  plural.  The  presence  of  this  n  in  the  plural  and  dual 
is  the  second  irregularity  to  be  noticed.  It  occurs  in  almost 
all  circumstances  with  this  root. 

To  this  subdivision  of  the  conjugation  belong  verbs  without 
a  prefix  and  those  having  for  prefixes  ye-,  Le-,  da-,  and  te-. 
With  these  prefixes  no  contractions  take  place. 

yeiydL,    cust.  3  sing.,  she  blew  in.    302-8. 

yeiiiyau'te,    imp.  2  sing.,  go  in.    305-9. 

ye  in  tuL  ne,    imp.  2  sing.,  you  must  step  in.    209-2. 

yeweyate,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  am  going  into  it.    314-3. 

yewiriya,    pres.  3a  sing.,  one  come  in.    305-8. 

ye  win  ya  ye  xo  lun,     pres.   def.  3  sing.,  he  had  gone  in. 
118-5. 

ye  win  deL  te,    fut.  def.  3  dual,  they  will  go  in.    255-3. 

ye  nai  diL,    imp.  1  dual,  let  us  go  in.    210-13. 

yenawillos,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  dragged  it  in.    190-2. 

ye  na  wo  deL  te,    fut.  def.  2  plu.,  you  will  travel  in.  361-12. 

yenundauw,    imp.  2  sing.,  come  in.    98-17,  192-7. 

ye  tee  il  luw;,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  used  to  take  in.    288-2. 

yetcinnauir,    pres.  3  sing.,  they  will  come  in.    231-6. 

yetcuwimmeL,    past  def.  3  sing.,  they  put  in.    200-5. 

yetcuwinya,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  they  came  in.   231-8. 

yetcuwiiiyai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  went  in.    97-3,  231-5. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Uupa  Language.          103 

yetcu  win  ya  hit,     pres.  def.  3  sing.,  when  she  went  in. 

246-5. 

yetcu  win  xan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  brought  in.    209-10. 
ye  tcu  win  deL,    past  def.  3  dual,  they  went  in.    278-4. 
yetcu  win  tan,    past  def.  3  sing,    he  put  in.    96-13. 
yi  de  tu  win  yai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  north  he  was  lost.  342-9. 
yu  win  van,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  she  ate  it.    319-5. 
yu  win  yuii  hirun  te,    fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  one  must  eat.  233-2 
yuwiiiyunte,     fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  how  are  they  going  to 

eat  them  ?    100-14. 

win  yen  nei,    past  def.  3a  sing,  he  was  able  to  stand.  220-11 
win  xa,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  water  lay.    101-13,  141-1. 
win  xa  te,    fut.  def.  3<z  sing.,  water  will  stay.    112-9. 
win  tetc,    pres.  def.  3a  dual,  dogs  lay  there.    322-4. 
win  tcwu,    past  def.  2  sing.,  you  have  cried.    337-14. 
Le  ye  tcu  win  yeu«7,     past  def.   3  sing.,    he    jammed    in. 

143-10. 

Lin  win  fen  nei,     past  def.  3  sing.,  she  called  him.     139-9. 
LU  win  ten,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  addressed  her.    181-9. 
da  tcu  win  an,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  placed  it.    210-6. 
da  tcu  win  en,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  put  fire  on  it.  119-15. 
da  tcu  win  xuts,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  flew  up  there.  114-1. 
da  un  xus,    imp.  2  sing.,  fly.    114-2. 
da  e  iinc  turr,    cust.  1  sing.,  I  put.    247-7. 
da  e  iutr  kel,    cust.  1  sing.,  I  held  under.    337-14. 
do  tcu  win  xan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  does  not  catch  any. 

257-9. 
do  tcu  win  xun  te,     fut.  def.  3  sing.,  he  does  not  catch. 

256-6. 
tewautte,     fut.  def.  1  sing.,  in  the  water  I  will  throw. 

111-17. 

tewineL,    past  def.  3a  plu.,  they  stand  out.    283-14. 
te  tcu  win  an,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  put  in  the  water.  342-6. 
tetcu  win  tan,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  put  in  the  water.  101-14 
tu  win  yai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  was  lost.     122-1. 
tcewinyeuic,     past  def.  3  sing.,  she  rubbing   (rubbed) 

them.    301-5. 
tcu  win  BL,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  chewed.    121-12,330-4. 


104  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

tcu  win  yan  ne,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  has  eaten.    311-11. 
tcu  win  yen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  stood.    109-11,  203-5. 
tcu  win  yun  sil  len  te,     fut.  def.  3  sing.,  he  eats  it  seems. 

233-3. 

tcu  win  yun  teL  de,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  he  would  eat.  267-17. 
tcu  win  ilas,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  scraped  the  bark  off. 

347-12. 

tcu  win  da,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  stayed.    97-3,165-13. 
tcuwintsit,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  pounded.     114-4,  319-8. 
tcuwintcwen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  defecated.    110-6. 
tcuwintcwu,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  cried.     150-7,  336-8. 

Conjugation  IB. 
Yamas,    he  is  rolling  over. 

Present  Indefinite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  yamomas  ya  dim  mas 

2.  yum  mas  yamas 

3.  yamas  ya  yamas 
3a.  ya  mas  ya  ya  mas 

Impotential. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  do  xo  lin  yauw?  mas  do  xo  lin  ya  dim  mas 

2.  yum  mas  ya  mas 

3.  ya  mas  ya  ya  mas 
3a.                  ya  mas                                         ya  ya  mas 

Imperative. 

Singular.  Plural. 

2.  yum  mas  yamas 

3.  ya  tco  mas  ya  ya  tco  mas 
3a.  ya  6  mas  ya  ya  6  mas 

Customary. 

Singular.  Plural. 

1.  yaiiiM'mas  ya  it  dim  mas 

2.  yaimmas  yaomas 

3.  ya  im  mas  ya  ya  im  mas 
3«.  yaimmas  ya  yaimmas 


VOL.  3]    Ooddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  105 

Present  Definite. 

Singular.  Plural. 

1.  yai  mas  ya  wit  dim  mas 

2.  ya  wim  mas  ya  wo  mas 

3.  ya  wim  mas  ya  ya  wim  mas 
3a.  ya  wim  mas  ya  ya  wim  mas 

Past  Definite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  yai  mas  ya  wit  dim  mas 

2.  ya  wim  mas  ya  wo  mas 

3.  ya  wim  mas  ya  ya  wim  mas 
3a.  ya  wim  mas  yaya  wim  mas 

Indefinite  Tenses. 

First  Person  Singular. — The  regular  sign  contracts  with  the 
prefix  ya-,  resulting  in  yauw.  In  this  case  the  glide  u  unites 
with  a  to  form  the  diphthong  an,  which  is  frequent  in  Hupa. 

Second  Person  Singular. — The  ending  of  the  first  syllable,  m, 
is  a  regular  change  for  n  before  m  of  the  following  syllable. 
The  change  of  vowel  from  a  to  u  presents  some  difficulty. 
The  most  plausible  explanation  is,  perhaps,  that  a  and  (i.  e 
and  i  are  related  as  strong  and  weak  vowels,  as  will  be  seen  in 
the  consideration  of  the  forms  of  the  roots.  Because  the  syllable 
ya  has  been  forced  to  take  on  n  or  m  to  show  the  person, 
it  perhaps  weakens  its  vowel  to  maintain  its  former  weight.  One 
would  gladly  add  something  as  to  accent  to  help  out  a  weak  cause, 
but  the  always  weak  stress  is  on  the  first  syllable  throughout 
the  singular. 

Second  Person  Plural. — Here  again  contraction  has  taken 
place.  The  6  has  united  with  the  prefix,  producing  a  syllable, 
ending  with  an  aspiration,  of  greater  length  and  duller  quality 
as  compared  with  that  in  the  third  person  singular. 

Third  Person  Singular. — No  sign  for  this  person  occurs,  as  is 
usually  the  case  when  the  verb  has  a  prefix.  In  the  form  applic 
able  to  adult  Hupa  the  vowel  is  sharp  and  hard  in  quality,  at  the 
apex  of  the  vowel  triangle  or  tending  toward  the  so-called  short 

AM.  AKCH.  ETH.  3,  8. 


106  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

a  of  English,  while  the  vowel  of  the  second  person  plural  inclines 
slightly  toward    o.    It  is  followed  by  a  partial  glottal  stop. 

The  second  form  applicable  to  children  and  others  has  a 
longer  vowel  of  somewhat  flatter  quality. 

Definite  Tenses. 

The  only  occasion  of  remark  is  in  the  first  person  singular 
where  the  middle  syllable  disappears,  contraction  apparently  tak 
ing  place.  The  result  is  yai-,  due  most  likely  to  the  e,  which 
is  the  sign  of  the  first  person  singular  in  the  definite  tenses. 

As  will  be  observed  from  the  preceding  example,  certain  con 
ditions  allow  contractions  to  take  place,  forming  sub-classes  in 
the  conjugation. 

Verbs  belonging  to  this  form  of  the  conjugation  have  their 
roots  beginning  with  m,  or  1,  or  with  the  following  weak 
syllables  standing  before  the  inflected  syllable;  ne  or  nu,  de  or 
du,  and  ke  or  kyu.  Many  or  all  of  the  verbs  with  the  weak  sylla 
bles  also  appear  at  times  with  the  forms  of  subdivision  D. 

a  nai  du  win  wat,     past  def.  3a  sing.,  he    shook    himself. 
115-7. 

ya  im  mil,    cust.  3a  sing.,  it  kicked  up  its  legs.    290-2. 

ya  yai  wim  meL  tsu,    pres.  def.  3a  plu.,  he  heard  them  kick 
up  their  legs.    342-14. 

ya  wim  mas,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  rolled  over.     112-15. 

ya  wim  meL,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  took  them  up.    142-4. 

ya  xo  win  tcwai,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  buried  him.    172-4. 

ya  kyu  win  dits,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  made  rope.    151-11. 

meilloi,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  used  to  tie  on  feathers.     288-3. 

me  luw;,    pres.  3  sing.,  it  watching.    204-6. 

me  luic  te,    f ut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  am  going  to  watch.    292-9. 

menailuM'te,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  watch.    217-13. 

me  du  win  tcwen,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  was  hungry  for. 
99-1. 

me  duw  tcwin,    pres.  1  sing.,  T  want.    254-12. 

nai  me,    pres.  def.  1  sing.,  I  swim  in.    311-11. 

nai  kyu  win  xa,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  stands.    347-11. 

nauw  me,    pres.  1  sing.,  let  me  swim.    97-15. 

na  wim  me,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  swam.    209-13. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Ilupa  Language.  107 

nanaime,    past  def.  1  sing.,  I  bathed.    311-8. 

n a  na  im  me  ei,    cust.  3  sing.,  she  always  bathed.    311-8. 

nana  ya  wil  lai,    past  def.  3  phi.,  they  turned  down  their 

heads.    139-1. 

na  naduwifia,    pres.  def.  3a  sing.,  it  stands.    364-14. 
na  na  du  win  eL,    past  def,  3a  phi.,  they  stuck  up.    106-14. 
na  nu  win  dik,    past  def.  3  sing.,  they  formed  a  line.  216-17 
na  xoi  kyu  win  an,     past  def.  3a  sing.,  he  went  to  sleep. 

121-9. 

na  de  tcwit  te,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  leave.    277-1. 
na  du  win  a,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  stood  up.    158-6. 
naduwinate,    fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  it  will  stick  up.     204-2. 
na  du  win  eL,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  stuck  up.    106-3. 
na  du  win  tcwit,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  let  go.  272-18;  106-17. 
na  kyu  win  a  tsu,     pres.   def.   3   sing.,  singing  he   heard. 

186-12. 

na  kyu  win  yun  te,     fut.  def.  2  sing.,  you  will  eat.     356-3. 
nakyuwinxa,    pres.  def.  3a  sing.,  it  grows.    364-11. 
nikkyowun,     imp.  3  sing.,  go  to  sleep  (let  it  make  you 

sleep).    294-5. 
nik  kyu  win  nun  te,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  you  will  go  to  sleep. 

252-11. 
noidu  wintaLxolun,     pres.  def.  3a  sing.,  he  had  made  a 

track.     292-5. 
no  na  du  win  taL,     past    def.   3   sing.,   he   stepped    away. 

223-11. 
no  du  win  taL  xo  Ian,     pres.  def.  3  sing.,  he  had  made  a 

track  he  saw.     185-12. 
hirikkyowun,     imp.  3a  sing.,  I  am  going  to  sleep  (let  it 

put  me  to  sleep).    121-6. 

xanu  white,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  looked  for  it.    111-3. 
xoi  kyu  win  an,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  went  to  sleep.    121-7. 
xoi.  dana  duwiiiaei,     past  def.  3  sing.,  with  him  it  stuck 

up.     203-5. 

xon  a  na  du  wil  lau,     past  def.  3  sing.,  they  painted  them 
selves.    215-11. 

xo  kyu  win  nan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  went  to  sleep.    203-1. 
da  ya  du  win  an,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  took  away.    171-14. 


108  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

danayaiduwinan,     past  def.  3a  plu.,  they  brought  it 

back.    365-15. 

da  na  xo  du  win  an,    past  def.  3  plu. ,  they  ran  back.  181-6. 
da  na  na  du  win  a  ei,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  stood  up.  203-10. 
da  no  du  win  taL,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  stepped.    120-3. 
da  tcit  du  win  Lat,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  started  to  run. 

176-11. 

da  kyu  win  xa  ei,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  stood.    242-3. 
de wim min te,     fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  it  will  be  filled  (full). 

253-11. 

de  na  de  iu^  mil,    cust.  1  sing.,  I  put  in  the  fire.    247-9. 
dena  du  willate,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  he  will  put  in  the  fire. 

255-15. 
de  na  du  win  un  te,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  he  will  put  in  the  fire. 

258-2. 
de  de  im  mil,     cust.  3  sing.,  he  pushed  them  into  the  fire. 

165-6. 

deduwillai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  put  on  the  fire.   266-11. 
dedu  willate,     fut.  def.  3  sing.,  he  will  put  in  the  fire. 

255-15. 
dedu  wim  meL,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  threw  in  the  fire. 

165-10. 

de  du  win  an,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  put  in  incense.   266-16. 
dedu  win  tan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  put  them  in.    150-4. 
deduwtufi,     pres.  1  sing.,  let  me  put  them  in  the  fire. 

150-4. 

do  me  duw  tcwin,    pres.  1  sing.,  I  do  not  want.    97-8. 
do  kyu  we  hw;an,    past  def.  1  sing.,  I  don't  eat.    355-15. 
duwinxuts,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  came  off.    157-7. 
du  win  teat,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  got  sick.    241-9. 
duwintcate,    fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  it  will  get  sick.    242-15. 
duwinkunte,    fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  it  will  lean  up  on  edge. 

343-13. 
te  no  du  win  taL,    past  def.  3  sing.,  in  the  water  he  stepped. 

120-3. 
to  on  nu  win  tcwit  ne  en,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  water  she  was 

to  bring.    111-3. 
to  on  tcwit,    pres.  3  sing.,  water  to  bring.    110-16. 


VOL.  31    Qoddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  KM) 

tcit  du  wim  initc,  past  def.  3  sing.,  she  broke  it  off.  287-2. 
tcit  du  wim  mite  hit,  pres.  def.  3  sing.,  when  she  broke  it 

off.    287-4. 
tcitdu  win  tcate,     fut.  def.  3  sing.,  she  was  going:  to  be 

sick.    286-7. 

tcit  du  win  tcwit  te,  fut.  def.  3  sing.,  he  will  shoot.  151-16. 
kin  yiin,  imp.  2  sing.,  eat  it.  166-6. 

kit  du  win  kil,    past  def.  3  sing.,  the  bank  slid  out.    252-4. 
kyoya  winhiral,    past  def.  3  phi.,  they  fished.    328-3. 
kyoyun,    imp.  2  phi.,  eat.     192-2. 
kyohiralle,    pres.  3  sing.,  somebody  hooking.     106-15. 
kyu  win  yan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  went  to  eating.    98-18. 
kyu  win  nan  xo  Ian,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  went  to  sleep. 

347-1. 

kyu  win  xa,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  left  standing.    289-8. 
kyuwindil,    past  def.  3o  sing.,  there  was  a  ringing  noise. 

96-2. 

kyu  win  dii,  tsu,  pres.  def.  3  sing.,  a  jingling  noise.  293-3. 
kyu  wrin  dits  te,  fut.  def.  3  sing.,  to  make  rope.  151-6,  8. 
kyu  win  ket,  past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  creaked.  114-17,  140-3. 
kyuif  tcwit,  pres.  1  sing.,  let  me  push  it.  106-11. 

Conjugation  Ic. 
Na  Lit,    he  is  burning  it. 

Present  Indefinite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  nauir  Lit  na  diL  Lit 

2.  nun  Lit  na  Lit 

3.  nai.it  naya  iL  Lit 
3o.  nai  Lit  na  yai  Lit 

Impotential. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  do  xo  lin  nauu?  Lit  do  xo  lin  na  diL  Lit 

2.  nun  Lit  na  Lit 

3.  na  Lit  na  ya  IL  Lit 
3a.                 nai  Lit  na  yai  Lit 


110 


University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 


Singular. 

2.  nun  Lit 

3.  natcoLit 
3a.  nai  5  Lit 

Singular. 

1.  naiuwLit 

2.  na  in  Lit 

3.  naiLLit 
3a.  nai  iL  Lit 

Singular. 

1.  nai  Lit 

2.  nan  Lit 

3.  na  win  Lit 
3a.  nai  win  Lit 

Singular. 

1.  nai  Lit 

2.  nan  Lit 

3.  na  win  Lit 
3a.  nai  win  Lit 


Imperative. 

Plural. 

na  Lit 

na  ya  tco  Lit 

na  yai  6  Lit 

Customary. 

Plural. 

na  it  diL  Lit 
na  6  Lit 
na  ya  iL  Lit 
na  yai  iL  Lit 

Present  Definite. 
Plural. 

na  wit  diL  Lit 
na  wo  Lit 
na  ya  win  Lit 
na  yai  win  Lit 

Past  Definite. 
Plural. 

na  wit  diL  Lit 
na  wo  Lit 
na  ya  win  Lit 
na  yai  win  lit 


Certain  prefixes  permit  the  same  contractions  that  appear  in 
the  last  case,  and  in  addition  allow  contraction  in  the  second 
person  singular  of  the  definite  tenses.  The  middle  syllable  dis 
appears,  leaving  n,  the  sign  of  the  second  person  singular,  as 
the  final  sound  of  the  first  syllable.  The  following  prefixes  char 
acterize  verbs  of  this  class :  ya-,  me-,  na-,  xa-,  sa-,  and  ke-. 

a  da  na  win  ate,  fut.  def.  3  sing.,  for  himself  he  will  get. 
338-9. 

yaaa,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  sat.     150-8. 

ya  a  wmc,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  always  takes  on  his  back.  195-6. 

ya  win  a,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  sitting.    162-11. 

yawinan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  picked  up  (stone).  342-1. 

ya  win  a  hit,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  when  he  sat.     174-6. 

yawinen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  carried.    210-4. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  Ill 

ya  win  eL,    pres.  def.  3  dual,  they  were  sitting  there.  181-8. 
yawinxan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  picked  it  up.    337-6. 
ya  win  tan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  took.     108-18. 
ya  win  tun  hit,     pres.  def.  3  sing.,  when  he  picked  it  up. 

202-6. 

yawinkutc,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  threw.    143-15. 
yan  a,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  why  do  you  sit  there.    171-3. 
yanawiiiai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  sat  down.    136-6. 
yanawinaye,  pres.  def.  3  sing.,  he  sitting  down.     120-5. 
yanawinen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  carried.    172-1. 
yanawintan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  picked  it  up.    112-11. 
me  it  tan,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  stuck  to  it.    202-3. 
me  win  tan  ne,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  stuck  to  it.     202-7. 
mis  sai  xun  te,     fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  put  in  its  mouth. 

243-16. 
mis  sa  win  xun  te,  fut.  def.  3  sing.,  in  his  mouth  she  will 

put.    243-10. 

mis  sun  xauwne,    imp.  2  sing.,  its  mouth  put  it  in.  246-14. 
na  win  yen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  stood.    106-3. 
na  win  Lit,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  burned  it.    311-12. 
nawinkuts,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  became  cold.    330-4. 
nanaiyate,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  am  going  to  live.    218-2. 
na  na  win  an,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  had  taken  down.  176-10. 
na  na  win  un  xo  Ian,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  he  had  taken  down. 

176-17. 

nanawintan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  took  down.    97-16. 
nadiL,    pres.  3  dual,  they  living.    321-3. 
xai  un  te,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  take  out.    135-5. 
xamrauir,    pres.  1  sing.,  I  am  going  to  take  out.    135-7. 
xa  win  an,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  took  out.  100-10,  135-8. 
xe  e  win  qotc  ei  tsu,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  heard  him  lope 

away.    175-8. 

xotdawinyai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  went  down.    272-3. 
sa  win  xan,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  put  it  into  her  mouth. 

278-10. 

dayawinai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  was  sitting.    360-6. 
da  ya  win  a  ye,     pres.  def.   3  sing.,  someone  was  sitting. 

337-2. 


112  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

dayanawinai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  was  sitting.    162-2. 
da  na  win  tan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  put  it  down.    97-13. 
doxaauw,    pres.  3  sing.,  one  doesn't  dig.    135-3. 
doxolin   miii  yai,    impot.  2  sing.,  you  may  not  live.  257-9. 
dosaixamt',    pres.  3a  sing.,  one  can't  swallow.    141-2. 
ke  win  xuts,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  fell  over.    105-17. 
Ids  sa  win  ya  te,     fut.  def.  3  sing.,  he  will  go  into  some 
body's  mouth.    257-5. 

Conjugation  ID. 
Kit  tus,    he  cuts  open. 

Present  Indefinite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  kyuw  tus  kit  dit  t us 

2.  kin  tus  kyd  tus 

3.  kittfus  yakittfus 
3a.  yi  kit  tus  yai  kit  tus 

Impotential. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  do  xo  lin  kyuw?  tus  do  xo  lin  kit  dit  tus 

2.  kin  ^us  kyo  tus 

3.  kit  tus  ya  kit  ^us 
3a.                  yi  kit  tus  yai  kit  tus 

Imperative. 
Singular.  Plural. 

2.  kinius  kyo  Ms 

3.  kyo  tfus  ya  kyo  tus 
3a.  yi  kyo  tus  yai  kyo  tus 

Customary. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  keiuwfris  keitdiUus 

2.  keinMs  keoius 

3.  keitius  yakeitius 
3a.  yikeit/us  yai  ke  it  Ms 


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VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  113 

Present  Definite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1 .  ke  fats  kyu  wit  dit  fats 

2.  kyu  win  fats  kyu  wo  fats 

3.  kin  fats  ya  kin  fats 
3a.  yl  kin  fats  yai  kin  fats 

Past  Definite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1 .  ke  fats  kyu  wit  dit  fats 

"2.  kyu  win  fats  kyu  wo  fats 

3.  kin  fats  ya  kin  fats 

3a.  yi  kin  fats  yai  kin  fats 

Certain  prefixed  and  inserted  syllables  with  weak  vowels  have 
in  the  present  the  signs  of  person  and  number  of  sub-class  A, 
jointed  to  the  consonant  of  the  syllable.  In  the  definite  tenses 
contraction  takes  place  in  the  first  person  singular  and  in  the 
third  person  singular  and  plural.  The  second  person  singular 
does  not  contract,  the  weak  syllable  taking  the  vowel  u  from  the 
following  w. 

This  subgroup  is  characterized  by  syllables  standing  before 
the  inflected  syllable,  which  have  d,  or  k,  ky  for  their  initial 
letters  and  are  completed  as  is  usual  with  weak  syllables.  There 
seems  to  be  no  way  of  distinguishing  these  verbs  from  those  given 
under  B  above,  except  that  those  in  this  class  always  have  some 
prefix  preceding  the  weak  syllable,  wrhile  those  in  B  may  have 
such  prefixes  or  may  lack  (hem. 

yayakiiien,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  packed  up.     164-4. 

ya  na  ke  u  wuir,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  used  to  pack  up.     237-7. 

yanakil  lai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  took  in  his  hand.    337-7. 

yanakinen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  packed  up.    238-3. 

ya  ke  wutr  htrei,     cust.  3  sing.,  he  used  to  carry  it  away. 
162-4. 

ya  kin  wutr,    imp.  2  sing.,  carry  it.    105-18. 

yakinwenne,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  had  carried  it  off. 
163-4. 

ye  kin  en,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  brought  in.     192-3. 

ye  kin  nen  den,    past  def.  3  sing.,  light  shone  in.    305-6. 


114  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  ETH. 

min  no  kin  kil,    past  def .  3  sing.,  he  opened  it.    113-5. 

naikeits,  pres.  3  sing.,  to  shoot  at  a  mark.    305-2. 

hwis  sa  kin  its,     imp.  2  sing.,  my  mouth  shoot  in.     118-13. 

xa  kin  its,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  it  shoot  up.     158-7. 

xo  sa  kin  its,    past  def.  3  sing.,  in  his  mouth  he  shot.  1 18-14. 

dakinyunte,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  to  chew  off  (bowstrings). 

151-9. 

tekeitste,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  shoot  in.    112-9. 
te  kin  its,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  shot  in.    112-10. 
kit  din  kil  ei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  it  broke  out.    102-2. 

Conjugation  IE. 
Tco  xai,    he  is  buying. 

Present  Indefinite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  dim1  xai  ode  xai 

2.  on  xai  6  xai 

3.  tco  xai  tco  ya  xai 
3a.  yoxai  yoyaxai 

Impotential. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  do  xo  lin  6uw  xait  do  xo  liii  6  de  xait 

2.  on  xait  6  xait 

3.  tco  xait  tco  ya  xait 
3a.                  yo  xait                                         yo  ya  xait 

Imperative. 

Singular.  Plural. 

2.  on  xai  6  xai 

3.  tco  5  xai  tco  ya  6  xai 
3«.  yo  6  xai  yd  ya  o  xai 

Customary. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  6  iutc  xait  5  it  de  xait 

2.  6  in  xait  6  6  xait 

3.  tco  e  xait  tco  y a  xait 
3a.  yoexait  yoyaxait 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          115 

Present  Definite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  oi  xai  6  wit  de  xai 

2.  on  xai  6  wo  xai 

3.  tcon  xai  tco  yan  xai 
3a.  yon  xai                                       yo  yan  xai 

Past  Definite. 

Singular.  Plural. 

1.  oi  xait  o  wit  de  xait 

2.  on  xait  6  wo  xait 

3.  tcon  xait  tco  yan  xait 
3a.  yon  xait  yo  yan  xait 

A  few  verbs  with  a  prefix  6-  show  peculiarities.  In  the  third 
person  of  all  the  tense-modes  tc  before  the  prefix  6,  with  which 
they  form  a  syllable,  occur  not  only  where  they  might  be  expected 
in  the  singular,  but  in  the  plural  as  well.  Even  in  the  singular 
one  would  expect  to  find  them  after,  not  before,  the  prefix.  In 
the  definite  tenses  contraction  takes  place  throughout  the  singular 
and  in  the  third  person  plural.  The  conjugation  sign  w  appears 
only  in  the  first  and  second  persons  of  the  plural. 

ya  xon  its,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  shot.    166-8. 

yoeits,    cust.  3a  sing.,  he  shot  at  it.    157-11. 

yon  tan,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  he  kept.    96-8. 

yoxai  (nanakisdeL),  pres.  3a  sing.,  to  buy  they  came 
back.  200-7. 

yo  xai  xo  win  sen,  pres.  3a  sing.,  they  all  began  to  buy. 
200-3. 

do  oi  lun  te,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  quit.    255-5. 

doyolunte,    fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  they  will  quit.    231-1. 

do  tco  wil  Ian,  past  def.  3  sing.,  she  will  quit.  157-10,  242-13 

dotcowillun,    pres.  3  sing.,  he  stopped.    234-2. 

do  tco  xo  wil  Ian,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  left  (him).  343-9. 

do  tco  xo  na  wil  Ian,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  went  away.  343-8. 

tco  yan  its,    past  def.  3  sing.,  they  began  to  shoot.    144-12. 

tco  nan  tan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  held  it.    314-9. 

tco  xon  tan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  held  her.    153-3. 


116 


University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 


Conjugation  2. 
No  fit,    he  is  throwing  down  a  blanket. 

Present  Indefinite. 
Plural. 

no  de  ut 
no  fit 
no  ya  ut 
no  yai  fit 

Impotential. 

Plural. 

do  xo  liii  no  de  fit 
nout 
no  ya  fit 
no  yai  fit 
Imperative. 

Plural. 

no  fit 

no  ya  teo  fit 

no  yai  yo  fit 

Customary. 

Plural. 

no  it  de  fit 
no  5  fit 
no  ya  e  fit 
no  yai  e  fit 

Present  Definite. 
Plural. 

nori  da  fit 
no  no  fit 
no  ya  niii  fit 
no  yai  nin  fit 

Past  Definite. 

Plural. 

non  da  fit 
no  no  fit 
no  ya  nin  fit 
no  yai  nin  fit 


Singular. 

1.  now  fit 

2.  non  fit 

3.  no  fit 
3a.  noi  fit 

Singular. 

1.  do  xo  liii  now  fit 

2.  non  fit 

3.  no  fit 
3a.  noi  fit 

Singular. 

2.  non  fit 

3.  notcout 
3a.  noyofit 

Singular. 

1.  ndiuwfit 

2.  no  in  fit 

3.  no  e  fit 
3a.  noi  e  fit 

Singular. 

1.  nonafit 

2.  nd  nin  fit 

3.  no  nin  fit 
3a.  noi  nin  fit 

Singular. 

1.  nonafit 

2.  no  nin  fit 

3.  no  nifi  fit 
3a.  noi  nin  fit 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  117 


30.  teenaiur 
Singular. 

1.  doxolin  tcehfrawr 

2.  teen  yauir 

3.  tee  namr 
3a.  tee  naiur 


Intransitive  with  root  changing  for  the  plural. 
Tee  nau/r,    he  goes  out. 

Present  Indefinite. 
Singular.  Dual.  Plural. 

1.  tcehirauff  tee  nei.  tceyaneL 

2.  tcenyauir  tee  no  dii. 

3.  tee  nau  »/•  tee  in  di  i.  tee  ya  in  diL 

tcindii.  tceyundiL 

[mpotential. 

Dual.  Plural, 

doxolin  tee  ne  dil  tceyanedil 
teenddil 

tee  in  dil  tee  ya  in  dil 

tein  dil  tee  yun  dil 

Imperative. 
Dual.  Plural. 

tcenei.  tceyanei. 
tee  no  dii.  (tc^diL) 

tee  tcon  dii.  tee  ya  tcon  dii. 

tee  on  dii,  tee  ya  on  dii. 

Customary. 
Dual.  Plural. 

tee  e  dil  tee  ya  e  dil 
tee  5  dil 

tee  in  dil  tee  ya  in  dil 

tee  in  dil  tee  ya  in  dil 

Present  Definite. 

Dual.  Plural. 

tcenedeL  tceyanedeL 
tee  no  deL 

tee  nin  de  L  tee  ya  nin  deL 

tein  deL  tee  yun  deL 

Past  Definite. 
Singular.  Dual.  Plural. 

1.  tceneyai  tcenedeL  tceyanedeL 

2.  tee  nin  yai  tee  no  deL 

3.  tee  nin  yai                   tee  nin  deL  tee  ya  nin  deL 
3a.  tein  yai                        tein  deL  tee  yun  deL 


Singular. 

1.  tcehira 

2.  teen  yauir 

3.  tee  tco  ya 
3a.  tee  6  ya 

Singular. 

1.  tee  iu?r  htuauic 

2.  tee  in  yautr 

3.  tee  in  nautc 
3a.  tee  in  naui£ 

Singular. 

1.  tceneya 

2.  tee  nin  ya 

3.  tee  nin  ya 
3a.  tein  ya 


118  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

The  verbs  of  this  conjugation  have  the  same  sign  for  person 
and  number  which  have  been  noted  in  Conjugation  1.  The  only 
difference  in  form  between  the  two  conjugations  is  the  initial  n 
instead  of  w  in  the  definite  tenses. 

a  dit  tcin  no  nil  la  de,     pres.  3  sing.,  she  put  with  herself. 

302-10. 

yaninyai,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  went  (between  two).  138-15 
ya  nin  deL,    past  def.  3  dual,  they  went.    170-9. 
ya  nin  deL  hit.,  pres.  3  dual,  when  they  came.    170-16. 
wai  e  xussei,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  threw  at  her.    333-1. 
waimmil,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  always  distributes  them.  195-8. 
wa  kin  nil  lit  xo  Ian,     pres.  def.  3  sing.,  they  were   (had) 

burned  through.     119-3. 
wa  kin  nin  SCL  xo  Ian,     pres.   def.   3  sing.,   it  was  heated 

through  he  saw.    329-16. 
wun  no  kin  nil  lai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  put  her  hand  on. 

246-10. 

Le  il  loi,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  ties  together.    334-12. 
LC  nai  yun  dil  la  te,     fut.  def.  1  plu.,  we  will  keep  a  fire 

burning.     169-6. 

Lenailluw,    cust.  3  sing.,  she  started  the  fire.    153-1. 
Lenaliiw,    pres.  3  sing.,  he  built  (builds)  a  fire.    235-14. 
Lena  nil  lai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  built  a  fire.    120-10. 
Le  na  nil  la  xo  Ian,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  a  fire  he  had  built  he 

saw.    186-3. 

Lena  nil  late,  fut.  def.  2  sing.,  you  will  build  a  fire.  356-4. 
Le  na  nil  la  te,  fut.  def.  3  sing.,  he  will  build  a  fire.  258-2. 
Le  na  nin  deL  ei,  past.  def.  3  dual,  they  went  clear  round. 

102-1. 

me  il  loi,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  used  to  tie  on  feathers.     288-3. 
me  na  nil  lai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  they  landed.    215-11. 
menemen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  him  he  landed.  162-9,  163-11. 
me  nil  la  yei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  they  landed.    216-13. 
menonin  an,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  put  inside.    328-13. 
mil  loi  ne,    imp.  2  sing.,  you  must  feather.    207-4. 
mi  nil  la  yei,     past  def.  3a  sing.,  the  waves  came  ashore. 

362-4. 
na  ya  nil  luw  ne  en,    pres.  def.  3  plu.,  which  had  been  lost. 

144-7. 


VOL.  31    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  119 

naya  xon  nil  lai  ei,    past  def.  3  phi.,  they  took  them.  179-8. 
nanayanindeL,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  arrived  (across). 

172-2. 

na  na  nin  an,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  won  back.    144-9. 
na  niii  yai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  crossed.    119-17,  322-10. 
naniiiyayei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  crossed  over.    135-6. 
nanodiL,    imp.  2  plu.,  go  away  (across?).  266-15. 
nei  ya,    pres.  def.  1  sing.,  I  might  go.    203-15. 
nei  yai,    past  def.  1  sing.,  I  came.     174-13. 
neiyate,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  go.    151-7. 
nim  meL  din,    pres.  def.  2  sing.,  the  you  bring  place.  210-7. 
niii  yamr,    imp.  2  sing.,  go.    354-3. 
niiiyayete,    fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  it  will  come.    307-12. 
niii  ya  de,    pres.  def.  3a  sing.,  if  they  come.    334-10. 
ninyate,    fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  it  will  reach.    151-15. 
niii  xuts,    past  def.  3«  sing.,  it  flew.    113-17. 
no  a  din  niii  xan,     past   def.   3   sing.,   she  placed   herself. 

223-9. 

no  a  din  xauir,    imp.  2  sing.,  lay  yourself  down.     223-9. 
noillutr,    cust.  3  sing.,  she  put.    157-11. 
noi  nin  yan  ne,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  that  far  they  ate.  347-17 
no  it  to,    cust.  3a  sing.,  the  water  comes.    310-7. 
no  u  wu  ir,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  put  down.    237-5. 
noya  nin  deL,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  sat  down.    280-5. 
nona  iu»r  xau?F,    cust.  1  sing.,  I  leave  it.    247-3. 
no  na  il  lute,    cust.  3  sing.,  she  left  off.    332-10. 
no  nai  nin  an,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  he  left.    355-10. 
nonautramr,    pres.  1  sing.,  I  (never)  leave.     248-1. 
noii  auir  ne,    imp.  2  sing.,  you  must  put  it  down.    210-7. 
nonauir  nin  deL,     past  def.  3  dual,  they  came  to  marry. 

208-11. 

no  naya  kin  nin  an,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  left  food.  110-9. 
no  na  ne  uii,    pres.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  leave.  223-3,  296-5. 
no  na  niii  an,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  placed  it.    117-8. 
no  na  nin  deL,    past  def.  3  dual,  they  lived.    237-1,  241-5. 
no  na  nin  deL  xo  Ian,    pres.  def.  3  dual,  they  had  sat  down 

he  saw.    271-12. 
no  na  nin  tse,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  shut  a  door.    96-9. 


120  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

no  na  kin  amt- ne,    imp.  2  sing.,  you  must  leave.    353-10. 

no  na  kin  nin  un  te,  fut.  def.  3  sing.,  one  should  leave. 
215-8. 

no  na  kin  nin  un  te,  fut.  def.  2  sing.,  you  will  leave.  351- 
13,  357-2. 

no  na  kin  (nin)  tan,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  set  the  wedge 
again.  109-1. 

nonexunte,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  put.    289-2. 

no  nil  lai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  put.    98-2. 

nonillayei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  they  put  them.    300-13. 

no  nil  lit  hit,  pres.  def.  3a  sing.,  when  he  finished  sweat 
ing.  210-8. 

no  nin  an,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  established  it.     273-3. 

no  nin  un  hit,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  when  he  finished.    234-7. 

nonifinas,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  whittled  it  down.     197-3. 

no  nin  ut,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  threw  it.    112-3. 

no  nin  xan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  put  it.    242-7. 

noninxannei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  put.     287-7. 

noninxunte,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  he  will  set  it.    290-12. 

ndninxuts,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  dropped.    362-9. 

no  nin  tan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  put  it.    210-16. 

non  xauw  ne,    imp.  2  sing.,  put  it.    296-14. 

noxonifiun,  pres.  def.  3  sing.,  they  fell  in  with  them. 
179-5. 

no  xuitf,    pres.  3a  sing.,  floats  ashore.    346-5. 

noto^x,    pres.  3a  sing.,  water  staid.    324-3. 

no  ke  iuw  qot,    cust.  1  sing.,  I  always  set  up.    247-4. 

nokinninyan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  finished.    209-12. 

no  kin  nin  ydiv,    past  def.  3  sing.,  scattered  about.     145-3. 

no  kin  nin  tan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  set  the  wedge   108-11. 

nuwananelate,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  loan  you.    356-7. 

nu  wa  nel  la  te,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  give  it  to  you.  353  7 

imw  auir,    pres.  1  sing.,  I  am  going  to  leave.    157-8. 

xowaya  (n) in  tan,  past  def.  3  plu.,  they  gave  him.  144-14 

XOL noil  lit,    cust.  3a  sing.,  it  quit  burning.    336-4. 

XOL  no  nil  lit,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  finished  burning.  364-7. 

XOL  no  kin  nil  lit,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  finished  sweating. 
209-13. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  121 

da  no  nin  deL,    past  def .  3  dual,  they  sat.    179-2. 
dittsenonillai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  they  headed  the  canoe. 

216-4. 

dit  tse  no  nil  la  xo  lun,  pres.  def.  3  sing.,  was  pointed.  222-4 
doLenanela,     pres.  def.   1   sing.,  I  do  not  build  a  fire. 

355-14. 

donoauir,    pres.  3  sing.,  he  never  put  down.    259-6. 
do  he  tee  nin  yai,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  did  not  come  out. 

162-13. 

do  tee  au/r.    pres.  3  sing.,  he  never  took  out.    230-12. 
do  tee  in  uautr,     cust.  3  sing.,  she  never  came  out.     305-3. 
do  tee  nin  yai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  never  went  out.  158-3. 
do  tee  nin  deL,     past  def.  3  dual,  they  did  not  come  out. 

102-11. 

tceeauw,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  took  out.    333-2. 
tceil  lu»r,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  used  to  take  out.    230-11. 
tee  min  nin  yot  dei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  drove  out  a  deer. 

217-16. 

tcenautr,    pres.  3a  sing.,  smoke  coming  out.    170-7. 
tee  na  il  lifi  xo  Ian,     cust.  3  sing.,  blood  used  to  run  out. 

117-18. 

tcenayaxon  mil.,    imp.  2  plu.,  throw  them  out.    302-3. 
tee  na  mil,,    imp.  2  plu.,  throw  them  out.    301-13, 
tee  na  nil  lai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  drew  out.     119-2. 
tcenanimmeL,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  had  them  thrown 

out.    301-14. 

tee  na  nin  an,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  took  out.    119-3. 
tee  na  nin  deL,    past  def.  3  dual,  they  went  back.    267-9. 
tee  na  nin  tan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  took  out.    97-13. 
tceneyate,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  go  out.    332-8. 
tee  ne  yai,    past  def.  1  sing.,  I  have  gone  out.    99-14. 
tee  nil  lai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  pulled  out.    143-5. 
tcenillete,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  they  will  dive  out.    252-9. 
tee  nini  mas,    past  def.  3  sing.,  it  rolled  out.     197-5. 
tee  nin  an.    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  took  it  out.    119-15. 
tee  nin  yai,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  went  out.     97-16. 
teeniiiyane,     pres.  def.  2  sing.,  you  must  go  out.     242-1. 
tee  nin  ya  te  ne  en,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  he  was  going  to  come 

out.     162-12. 

An.  ARCH.  ETH.  3,  8. 


122  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  Era. 

tee  nin  yos,    past  def .  3  sing.,  he  pulled  out.  118-10,  142-2. 
tee  nin  deL  hit,    pres.  3  dual,  when  they  came  out.    175-11. 
tee  nin  tan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  took  out.    97-4. 
teeninkutc,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  threw  out.    144-1. 
tee  kin  nin  y an,    past  def.  3  sing.,  they  came  out.    98-2. 
tee  kin  niil  hwe,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  had  finished  digging. 

100-9. 
tee  kin  nin  htce  ei,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  finished  digging. 

100-8. 

tcin  nim  meL,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  carried  home.     363-1. 
tcinninen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  brought.    137-15. 
tcin  nin  ya  yei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  came.    97-1. 
tcin  nin  ya  win  ^e,  pres.  def.  3  sing.,  he  always  came.  231-9 
tcin  nin  ya  ne  en,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  he  used  to  come.  306-7 
tcin  nin  win  detc,    pres.  3  sing.,  if  he  will  bring.    137-5. 
kin  nin  en,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  brought  it.    97-14. 
kin  nin  in  hit,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  when  she  came  with  the 

load.    238-1. 

Conjugation  3 A. 
Tcil  loi,    he  is  tying. 

Present  Indefinite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  imoloi  itdilloi 

2.  il  loi  6  loi 

3.  tcilloi  yaloi 
3a.  yil  loi                                           yai  loi 

Impotential. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  do  xo  lifi  iuw?  loi  do  xo  lin  it  dil  loi 

2.  il  loi  6  loi 

3.  tcil  loi  ya  loi 
3a.                  yil  loi  yai  loi 

Imperative. 
Singular.  Plural. 

2.  illoi  oloi 

3.  tco  loi  ya  ted  loi 
3a.  yoloi  yayoloi 


VOL.  31    Coddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language. 


123 


Singular. 

1.  eiutrloi 

2.  eilloi 

3.  tee  il  loi 
3a.  ye  il  loi 


Singular. 

1.  seloi 

2.  silloi 

3.  tcisloi 
3a.  yisloi 


Singular. 

1.  seloi 

2.  silloi 

3.  tcisloi 
3<z.  yisloi 


Customary. 

Plural. 

eitdil  loi 
e  d  loi 
ya  il  loi 
yai  il  loi 

Present  Definite. 

Plural. 

sitdil  loi 
so  loi 
ya  is  loi 
yai  is  loi 

Past  Definite. 

Plural, 
sit  dil  loi 
so  loi 
ya  is  loi 
yai  is  loi 

With  a  prefix. 


Na  Le,    he  is  painting. 


Singular. 

1.  nau>r  i.e 

2.  nun  Le 

3.  na  Le 
3a.  nai  i.e 


Singular. 

1.  do  xo  lifi  naujf  LU 

2.  nun  i.u 

3.  na  LU 
3a.                  nai  LU 


Present  Indefinite. 
Plural, 
na  diL  Le 
na  Le 
na  ya  Le 
na  yai  Le 

Impotential. 

Plural. 

do  xo  lin  na  diL  LU 
naLu 
na  ya  LU 
na  yai  LU 


124 


University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  Em. 


Imperative. 
Singular.  Plural. 

2.  nun  Le  na  i.e 

3.  natcoLe  nayatcoLe 
3a.  na  yd  Le  na  ya  yo  Le 

Customary. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  na  iuw  LU  na  it  diL  LU 

2.  na  in  LU  na  6  LU 

3.  na  iL  LU  na  ya  IL  LU 
3a.  naiiLLu  nayaiiLLu 

Present  Definite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  na  se  Le  nas  diL  Le 

2.  na  sin  Le  na  so  Le 

3.  naisLe  nayaisLe 
3o.  naisLe  nayaisLe 

Past  Definite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  na  se  LU  nas  diL  LU 

2.  nasinLu  nasoLu 

3.  naisLu  nayaisi-u 
3a.  naisLu  nayaisLii 

Intransitive  with  the  root  changing  for  the  plural. 
Nawa,    he  is  about. 

Present  Indefinite. 

Dual.  Plural. 

naidiL  (naiL)  nayaidii. 
na  diL 

nadiL  nayadiL 

na  diL  na  ya  diL 


Singular. 

1.  nauw 

2.  nun  ya 

3.  nawa 
3a.  na  wa 


Singular. 


Impotential. 
Dual. 


1.  do  xo  lin  nauw  hwai    do  xo  liii  nai  dil 


2. 
3. 


nun  yai 
na  wai 
na  wai 


na  dil 
nadil 
nadil 


Plural, 
na  yai  dil 

na  ya  dil 
na  ya  dil 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  12f> 


Singular. 

2.  nun  ya 

3.  na  tco  ya 
3a.  na  6  ya 

Singular. 

1.  na  iu»r  hira 

2.  na  iii  ya 

3.  nalya 
3a.  na  I  ya 

Singular. 

1.  naseya 

2.  na  sin  ya 

3.  na  is  ya 
3a.  nas  ya 

Singular. 

1.  naseya 

2.  na  sin  ya 

3.  naisya 
3a.  nas  ya 


Imperative. 
Dual. 

nadir 

natcodii. 

naodii. 

Customary. 
Dual. 

na  e  dil 
ua  6  dil 
na  it  dil 
na  it  dil 

Present  Definite. 
Dual. 

na  se  deL 
na  so  deL 
na  is  deL 
nas  deL 

Past  Definite. 
Dual. 

na  se  deL 
na  so  deL 
na  is  deL 
nas  deL 


Plural. 

naya  ted  diii 

nayaodii. 

Plural, 
na  ya  e  dil 

na  ya  it  dil 
na  ya  it  dil 

Plural. 

na  ya  se  deL 

na  ya  is  deL 
na  yas  deL 

Plural. 

na  ya  se  deL 

na  ya  is  deL 
na  yas  deL 


This  conjugation  differs  in  form  from  the  first  and  second  in 
having  in  the  definite  tenses  s,  instead  of  the  w  of  the  first, 
and  the  n  of  the  second,  as  the  initial  of  the  syllable  preceding 
the  root.  The  difference  in  meaning  is  that  this  conjugation 
mentions  the  act  or  state  as  persisting  in  time  or  space  and  says 
nothing  of  its  beginning  or  its  end. 

Except  that  in  the  second  person  singular  of  this  particular 
example  where  n,  the  sign  of  that  person,  has  been  assimilated 
to  the  following  1,  the  signs  of  person  and  number  are  exactly 
the  same  as  those  shown  by  the  first  conjugation.  It  will  be 
noticed  that  the  third  person  of  the  definite  tenses  does  not  have 
the  n  which  appears  in  the  first  and  second  conjugation  but 
which  does  not  seem  to  be  a  personal  sign. 


University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

In  the  second  example  given  above,  naLe,  "he  is  painting," 
the  prefix  na-  is  present.  It  will  be  noted  that  the  contractions 
and  changes  in  the  present  are  the  same  in  all  respects  as  those 
in  the  first  conjugation  with  similar  prefixes.  In  the  definite 
tenses  it  will  be  seen  that  the  form  which  applies  to  adult  Hupa 
in  the  third  person  has  three  syllables:  first,  the  prefix;  second, 
s,  the  conjugation  sign,  with  the  weak  vowel,  i ;  third,  the  root. 
According  to  what  the  Hupa  style  "the  old-fashioned  way  of 
talking,"  one  would  say  natcisi.u.  On  the  analogy  of  this, 
nayisLii  would  be  the  second  form.  Its  contraction  should 
give  nais  LU,  which  occurs  in  this  case.  The  dropping  of  tc 
in  the  first  form  may  be  due  to  analogy  with  the  first  and  second 
conjugations,  which  do  not  employ  this  sign  after  such  prefixes. 
The  other  dialects  of  this  group,  it  may  be  remarked,  have  only 
one  form  for  the  third  person  singular,  and  that  is  the  prefix 
with  s  as  its  final  sound. 

a  i.  yatesan,    past  def.  3  plu.,  with  them  they  took.  361-1. 

a  nu  we  sin  te  te,    fut.  def.  2  sing.,  you  will  look.    357-5. 

anadisloi,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  girded  himself.    221-5. 

a  nu  wes  te,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  looked.    143-14,  182-2. 

in  na  xos  an,    past  def.  3  dual,  they  jumped  up.    169-11. 

in  nas  Lat,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  ran  up.    295-5. 

in  na  tcis  Lat,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  jumped  up.    171-9. 

is  lun  te,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  birth  will  be  given.    103-4. 

ya  is  len,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  both  became.    187-13. 

ya  is  len  ei,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  became.     110-1. 

ya  is  loi,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  wrapped.    179-7. 

ya  wes  a,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  sat  up.    301-2. 

ya  na  wes  a,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  sat  down.    165-17. 

ya  nestetc,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  went  to  bed.    169-7. 

ya  xos  meL,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  whipped  him.    164-3. 

ya  xos  qot,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  stuck  them.    181-2. 

ya  xo  qot,    pres.  3  plu.,  they  stick  them.     180-12. 

yatesyai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  went  away.    360-4. 

ya  wes  a,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  was  in.    153-10. 

yekyu  westce,    past  def.  3  sing.,  the  wind  blew  in.    270-4. 

ye  kyu  wes  tee  te,  fut.  def.  3  sing.,  the  smoke  will  blow. 
301-8. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          127 

yisdik,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  he  pecked.    113-13. 

yit  da  wes  le  to,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  he  will  get  enough.  267-4. 

yo  xai  na  na  kis  deL,     past  def.  3  phi.,  to  buy  they  came 

back.    200-7. 
yu  wun  na  na  is  dim  mit,     past    def.    3    sing.,    she    turned 

over.     117-4. 

yuwunna  xosyu,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  they  ate  it.    347-15. 
wunnalya,    eust.  3  sing.,  he  worked  on  it.    226-2. 
wun  na  isya,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  started  to  make.  362-14. 
wun  na  isya  xo  lun,  pres.  def.  3  sing.,  he  had  fixed.  170-10. 
wun  na  is  deL,    past  def.  3  dual,  they  started.    101-17. 
wunnaidiLxosinxolan,     pres.  3  phi.,  hunting  they  had 

been  he  saw.    140-11. 

wiinnadiLte,    fut.  3  phi.,  they  will  hunt.    311-14. 
i.eilloi,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  ties  together.    334-12. 
Lenaisloi,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  tied  together.    210-5. 
meena  nesdai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  hidden  he  sat  watching. 

293-1. 

me  il  loi,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  used  to  tie  on  feathers.    288-3. 
meisLadei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  ran  up.    217-16. 
menaisteei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  carried  it.    290-8. 
me  na  ya  is  deL,    past  def.  3  phi.,  they  started  back.  208-16 
me  na  kis  loi,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  bound  it  up.     145-11. 
me  nin  tsis  deL,    past  def.  3  plu.,  in  it  they  danced.    216-5. 
me  sit  ditc  tetc,     pres.  def.  1  dual,  in  we  would  be  rying. 

190-4. 

medzesla,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  hated  him.    189-6. 
mil  loi  ne,    imp.  2  sing.,  you  must  feather  arrows.     207-4. 
min  notes  in,     pres.  def.  3  sing.,  he  is  looking  under  his 

arm.     113-1. 

na  ifurloihit,    cust.  1  sing.,  I  tie  them  up.    247-11. 
na  iuir  LU,    cust.  1  sing.,  I  paint.    247-12. 
naisya,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  he  walked  around.     157-9. 
naisyate,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  he  goes.    307-13. 
na  isdau  we  a .  xo  liiii,      past   def.    3   sing.,    it   had    melted 

away.    236-1. 

na  is  deL.    past  def.  3  dual.,  they  had  traveled.    181-14. 
naisdiLLat,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  ran.    185-6. 


128  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

na  is  din  nan,    past  def .  3  sing.,  he  turned. 

naiste,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  carried  it  around.     282-4. 

naistsii,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  rolled  about.    119-4. 

na  ya  nu  wes  dil  lai,     past  def.  3  plu.,  they  took  the  bet. 

142-17. 

na  ya  tes  in  °x,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  she  looked.    300-17. 
nalu,    pres.  3  sing.,  which  live.    100-7. 
nanaisyaexolan,     pres.   def.   3   sing.,   she   could  walk. 

276-11. 

nana  isyayei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  went  back  over.  117-6. 
na  na  is  dit  tse,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  turned  around.  314-6. 
nana  sin  yate,    fut.  def.  2  sing.,  you  will  be.    353-8. 
nanasdeLte,    fut.  def.  3a  plu.,  they  will  become.    228-2. 
nanakiswel,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  arranged  again.   106-7. 
nanakisle,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  felt  around.    106-5. 
na  na  kis  le  hit,    pres.  3  sing.,  when  he  had  felt.     106-6. 
nanesindai,    past  def.  2  sing.,  you  sat  down.    351-1. 
nanesdai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  sat  down.    136-2. 
na  nes  da  xo  lun,    pres.  3  sing.,  he  sitting.    270-10. 
nanuwesa,     past  def.  3  sing.,  ridge  ran  across.     363-14. 
naxotesan,    past  def.  3  dual,  they  ran  around.    341-4. 
na  sin  yate.,  fut.  def.  2  sing.,  you  will  travel.    356-2. 
nasyayei,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  commenced  to  walk.  136-9. 
nasdeL,    past  def.  3a  dual,  they  began  to  walk.    180-16. 
nas  deL  te,    fut.  def.  3a  dual,  they  will  stay.    253-4. 
na  tes  deL,    past  def.  3  dual,  they  started  back.    176-17. 
natse,    pres.  3  sing.,  it  rolling  around.    157-4. 
nakisyoM/'hwei,     past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  flowed  in  a  circle. 

100-11. 

na  kis  le,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  felt.    107-15. 
na  kis  Lon,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  made  baskets.    189-5. 
na  kis  deL,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  came  around.    200-2. 
nakisqot,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  pushed  a  stick.    145-12. 
na  kis  qot  te,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  he  is  going  to  poke.    192-9. 
neene sedate,     fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  hide  from  you. 

328-6. 

ne  it  tetc,    cust.  3  dual,  they  always  lay.    333-12. 
niLteseyate,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  go  with  you.    187-4. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  129 

nin  is  deL,    past  def .  3  dual,  they  danced.    104-14. 
nintsisdeL,    past  def.  3  dual,  they  danced.    215-12. 
kisdate,    fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  it  would  melt  away.    259-9. 
hirii,  te  sin  ya  te,     fut.  def.  2  sing.,  with  me  you  may  go. 

187-7. 

xai  xos  ten  nei,     past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  took  her  up.     239-1. 
xaisyai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  caine  up.    105-1. 
xaisyadin,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  he  got  up  place.    272-2. 
xa  is  lai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  brought  up.    98-16. 
xaisxunhit,     pres.  def.  3  sing.,  when  she  had  brought 

them  up.    99-9. 

xaisten,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  brought  up.    99-2. 
xa  kis  wen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  had  carried  it.    166-4. 
xa  na  is  Ids,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  dragged  it  up.    190-2. 
xa  kis  wen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  had  earned  it.    166-4. 
xo  wunnakisle,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  felt  of  him.     153-5. 
xoLyatesyai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  with  them  he  went.  208-15 
XOL  xut  tes  nan,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  moved  in  her.  341-3. 
XOL  xut  tes  nun  te,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  it  would  move  in  her. 

341-2. 

xoLteslat,  past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  floated  with  him.  315-2. 
XOL  tes  deL,  past  def.  3  dual,  with  him  they  went.  110-7. 
xoLtcinnesten,  past  def.  3  sing.,  with  her  he  lay.  223-13. 
xon  na  is  din  nun  hit,  pres.  def.  3  sing.,  when  he  turned 

around.     278-12. 
xot  da  na  we  sin  tee  te,     fut.    def.    2    sing.,    you  will  blow 

down.     227-6. 
xot  da  na  kyii  we  sin  tee  te,    fut.  def.  2  sing.,  you  will  blow 

down.     227-5. 

xotdeisyai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  met  him.    105-14. 
xot  de  ya  is  deL,    past  def.  3  phi.,  they  met  them.     110-8. 
da ne sedate,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  go  fishing.    256-8. 
datcinnesdai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  fished.    98-14. 
da  kit  du  wes  tee,    past  def.  3  sing.,  the  wind  blew.    324-4. 
do  he  nas  deL  °x,     past  def.  3o  plu.,  they  could  not  walk 

about.     322-7. 
dohekiLtcinnesten,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  did  not  have 

intercourse.     104-7. 


130  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

do  tcit  tes  ya  te,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  he  did  not  feel  like  going 

on.    281-3. 

tayaishwal,    past  def.  3  phi.,  they  caught.    328-4. 
tana  is  tan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  took  it  out  of  the  water. 

325-4. 
ta  nai  kyu  we  sin  tee  te,     fut.  def.  2  sing.,  blow  out  to  sea 

with  you.    228-5. 

tadesla,    pres.  def.  3a  sing.,  it  has  come.     199-3. 
tadeslat,    past  def.  3  sing.,  it  came.     105-2. 
ta  des  deL  xo  lufi,    pres.  def.  3a  plu.,  they  had  come  ashore. 

101-2. 

tatciswen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  carried  out.    120-10. 
teseyai,    past  def.  1  sing.,  I  went  away.    353-6. 
teseyate,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  am  going  away.    229-9. 
teselate,     fut.   def.   1  sing.,  I  am  going  to  take  them. 

253-15. 
tesetcwitte,     fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  am  going  to  measure. 

116-12. 

tes  la,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  he  is  drowning.    210-11. 
tes  lat  dei,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  floated.    244-15. 
tes  deL  ei,    past  def.  3a  plu.,  they  flew  away.    159-12. 
tes  deL  te,    fut.  def.  3a  plu.,  they  will  come.    252-3. 
tsi  yun  te  il  dil,    cust.  3  plu.,  they  always  ran  off.    333-11. 
tsis  loi,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  made  bundles.    142-3. 
tcin  nes  dai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  sat  down.    96-11. 
tcin  nes  da  te.,  fut.  def.  3  sing.,  she  will  sit.     290-14. 
tcis  Ian,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  was  born.    96-2. 
tcislen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  became.    106-17. 
tcis  loi,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  played.    144-4. 
tcit  tes  en,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  looked.     104-4. 
tcit  tes  en  ne  en,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  used  to  look.    104-8. 
tcit  tes  in,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  one  doesn't  look  up.     237-9. 
tcit  tes  yai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  started.    96-10. 
tcit  tes  ya  ye  xo  Ian,     pres.   def.   3  sing.,  he  had  traveled 

he  saw.    186-1. 

tcit  tes  la,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  he  is  drowning.    210-11. 
tcit  tes  lai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  they  started  by  boat.    215-10. 
tcit  tes  lai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  drew  it.    144-15. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Ilupa  Language. 


131 


tcittesxan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  tix>k  along.    342-2. 
teittesdeL,    past  def.  3  dual,  they  went.    170-15. 
tcit  tes  deL te,  fut.  def.  3  dual,  he  was  to  travel  with.  174-9 
tcit  tes  tun  de,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  if  he  takes  along.  317-13. 
tcittindii.,    pres.  3  phi.,  they  are  coming.    198-2. 
keisyai,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  climbed  up.     137-17. 
keisyayei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  climbed  up.     137-12. 
ke  is  Lat,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  ran  up.    158-8. 
kesinqotcei,     past  def.  2  sing.,  you  climbed  up  the  tree. 

175-1. 

kes  Latdei,    past  def.  3«  sing.,  he  climbed  up  he  saw.  174-7 
kiLnesetin  te,     fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  have  intercourse 

with  a  woman.     104-7. 

kinnaislal,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  dreamed.     191-6. 
kinnau/f  laL,    pres.  1  sing.,  I  dreamed.     191-8. 
kin  nesoyunte,    fut.  def.  2  plu.,  may  you  grow  to  be  men. 

238-13. 

kislete,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  they  will  catch  many.     257-10. 
kyu  wa  istcwit,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  broke  off.    317-6. 


Conjugation  3s. 
Tcit  tit  tui-,    he  is  stepping  along. 

Present  Indefinite. 

Singular.  Plural. 

1.  tuirtuL  titdittfu. 

2.  tintuL  totuL 

3.  tcit  tit  tuL  ya  tit  tiii. 
3o.  yit  tit  tuL  yai  tit  till. 

Impotential. 

Plural. 

do  xo  lin  tit  dit  tul 
to  tul 
ya  tit  tul 
vai  tit  tul 


Singular. 

1.  do  xo  lin  tuir  tul 

2.  tin  tul 

3.  tcit  tit  tul 
3o.                  yit  tit  tul 


132 


University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 


Singular. 

2.  tintuL 

3.  tcittotuL 
3a.  yittotuL 

Singular. 

1.  teiuMtul 

2.  te  in  till 

3.  tcit  te  it  tul 
3a.  yitteittul 

Singular. 

1.  tesetaL 

2.  tesintaL 

3.  tcittetaL 
3o.  yittetaL 

Singular. 

1.  tesetaL 

2.  tesintaL 

3.  tcittetaL 
3a.  yittetaL 


Imperative. 

Plural. 
totilL 
ya  to  tiiL 
yai  to  tuL 

Customary. 

Plural. 

te  it  dit  tul 
te  6  tul 
ya  te  it  tul 
yai  te  it  tul 

Present  Definite. 
Plural, 
tes  dit  taL 
te  so  taL 
ya  te  taL 
yai  te  taL 

Past  Definite. 

Plural, 
tes  dit  taL 
te  so  taL 
ya  te  taL 
yai  te  taL 


This  form  B  differs  from  A,  given  above,  only  in  the  loss  of  s 
in  the  syllable  preceding  the  root.  This  same  prefix  te-,  denot 
ing  distribution  over  space,  retains  the  s  in  tcittesyai  and 
tcit  tes  deL  listed  above.  The  reason  for  its  loss  in  the  following 
verbs  is  not  evident.  In  some  cases,  at  least,  the  act  is  considered 
as  taking  place  at  several  separate  definite  places  in  succession. 

yateittcwu,    cust.  3  plu.,  they  cried  along.    179-12. 

yatemitc,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  pulled  off.    179-10. 

ya  te  xan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  picked  up.    109-16. 

ye  xo  yufi  xo  lun,    pres.  def.  3  plu.,  they  had  eaten.  100-17. 

yexotaan,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  ran  in.    238-9. 

ye  tcit  te  deL,    past  def.  3  dual,  they  went  into.    142-9. 


VOL.  31     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  133 

me  sit  te  deL,    past  def .  3  plu.,  they  went  along  up.  198-13. 
nadittemeL,    past  def.  3a  plu.,  they  fell.    245-11. 
natelos,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  dragged  back.    190-1. 
natetse,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  opened  the  door.  118-2,  158-9 
na  kit  te  it  Loir,     cust.  3  sing.,  she  always  made  baskets. 

157-3. 
nakitteLon,     past  def.  3  sing.,  she  wove  another  round. 

305-7. 
noyatemeL.     past  def.  3  plu.,  they  dropped  them  along. 

179-11. 
xatemas,     past  def.  3  sing.,  it  rolled  out  of  the  ground. 

270-5. 

x6  way  ate  lai,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  gave  them.    198-8. 
da  note  deL  te,    fut.  def.  3  plu.,  everybody  will  fish.  256-9. 
tesetcwitte,     fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  am  going  to  measure  it. 

116-12. 

tee  te  deL,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  went  out.    141-5. 
tcetexan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  took  out.     111-5. 
tcinteen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  looked.    165-19. 
tcin  tel  lai,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  brought.     230-15. 
tcin  te  deL,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  got  there.    138-5. 
tcit  te  it  tcwu,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  always  cried.     186-8. 
tcitteyos,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  stretched  it.    158-13. 
tcit  te  teen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  looked  around.     109-12. 
tcit  tete  wen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  waved.     242-12. 
tcit  tete  lai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  rubbed.    307-3. 
tcit  te  te  tcwit,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  completed  the  meas 
ure.    226-4. 

tcittetemeL,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  scattered  them     101-3. 
tcit  te  tot,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  drank.     112-15. 
tcit  te  tcit,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  was  almost  dead.     111-16. 
tcittetcwai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  buried  in  several  places. 

192-12. 

tcit  te  tcwit,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  measured  it.    116-13. 
tcoyatexait,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  began  to  buy.    200-8. 
ke  it  Lo,    cust.  3  sing.,  she  used  to  make  baskets.    189-1. 
kitteakutc.,  past  def.  3  sing.,  they  began  to  play.    142-16. 
kit  te  e  au,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  sang  along.    315-5. 


134  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETIT. 

kit  te  it  Low:,    cust.  3  sing.,  one  who  always  made  baskets. 

324-5. 

kitteyannei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  they  fed  about.    98-4. 
kitteyoitf,    past  def.  3  sing.,  it  flowed  out.    100-11. 
kittehwe,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  began  to  dig.    100-8. 
kittehwil,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  called  along.    98-4. 
kit  te  sin  kutc  tei,    fut.  def.  2  sing.,  you  will  play  shinny. 

142-12. 

kittetfats,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  cut  them.  101-1. 
kittetelai,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  rubbed.  347-14. 
kittiyauM?,  past  def.  3  sing.,  they  came  out.  98-3. 

Conjugation  4. 
Tcit  tcit,    he  is  dying. 

Present. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  iuwtcit  itdittcit 

2.  in  tcit  otcit 

3.  tcit  tcit  yatcit 
3a.  tcit  (yittcit)  yaitcit 

Impotential. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  do  xo  liii  iuw  tcit  do  xo  lifi  it  dit  tcit 

2.  in  tcit  o  tcit 

3.  tcit  tcit  ya  tcit 
3a.                  yit  tcit  yai  tcit 

Imperative. 
Singular.  Plural. 

2.  in  tcit  otcit 

3.  ted  tcit  yatcotcit 
3a.  otcit  yaotcit 

Customary. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  eiuM/teit  e  it  dit  tcit 

2.  e  in  tcit  e  6  tcit 

3.  tee  it  tcit  y  a  it  tcit 
3a.  ye  it  tcit  yai  it  tcit 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Ilupa  Language.  135 

Past. 
The  past  is  identical  in  form  with  the  present  given  above. 

With  a  prefix. 
Naa,    he  has  it. 

Present. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  nawra  nadaa 

2.  nun  a  na  a 

3.  naa  nayaa 
3a.  naia  nayaia 

Impotential. 

Singular.  Plural. 

1.  doxolin  nawrai  doxolifi  nadaai 

2.  nufiai  naai 

3.  naai  nayaai 
3a.                  nai  ai  na  yai  ai 

Imperative. 
Singular.  Plural. 

2.  nun  a  na  a 

3.  natcoa  nayatcoa 
3a.  na  yo  a  na  ya  yo  a 

Customary. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  naiuira  naitdaa 

2.  na  in  a  na  6  a 

3.  na  a  a  na  ya  a  a 
3a.  nai  a  a  na  yai  a  a 

Past. 

Singular.  Plural. 

1.  nauicai  nadaai 

2.  m"m  ai  na  ai 

3.  naai  nayaai 
3a.  naiai  nayaiai 

Verbs  of  this  eonjujjation  differ  from  thase  in  the  preceding 
conjugations  in  that  they  have  no  definite  tenses.  They  do  have 
a  past  tense  which  differs  from  the  present  only  in  the  form  of 


136  University  of  California  Publications.   [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

the  root.  As  will  be  seen  from  the  preceding  examples,  the  signs 
of  person  and  number  are  the  same  as  for  the  other  conjugations, 
and  the  same  contractions  occur  with  the  prefixes. 

a  en  nil,    cust.  3a  sing.,  it  does  it.    275-5. 

aiyetcislinxolan,    pres.  3  sing.,  he  was  tired.    346-9. 

ailate,    fut.  3a  sing.,  they  will  catch.    253-10. 

ainnu,    past  3  sing.,  he  did.    288-9. 

a  in  nu  miL,    past  3  sing.,  when  the  sun  was  there.    332-4. 

a  in  te,    past  3  sing.,  how  he  appeared.    209-5. 

ai  xoi  il  le,    cust.  3  sing.,  they  do  with  him.    196-7. 

aityauxolun,    past  3  sing.,  tired  he  was.    346-10. 

aityade,    pres.  3  sing.,  if  he  does.    348-7. 

ai  kit  in  xo  sin,    pres.  3a  sing.,  (bears)  did  that.     223-4. 

aikywren,    fut.  1  sing.,  I  will  do.     230-16. 

auw  law,    past  1  sing.,  I  have  done.    260-3,  302-10. 

amrlate,    fut.  1  sing.,  what  shall  I  do  with  it?    293-8. 

auwdiya,    pres.  1  sing.,  I  might  manage  it.    101-11. 

amr  di  yau,    past  1  sing.,  I  did.    325-17. 

auwdlyate,    fut.  1  sing.,  (what)  am  I  going  to  do.  257-14 

auw  tin  ne  en,    pres.  1  sing.,  I  used  to  do.    341-7. 

ayainnu,    cust.  3  plu.,  they  used  to  have  sports.  305-2. 

ayaien,    past  3  plu.,  they  did.    305-5. 

a  ya  tin  ne  en,    pres.  3  plu.,  they  used  to  do  that.    306-1. 

aya  tcillau,    past  3  plu.,  they  fixed.     172-4. 

a  late,    fut.  2  plu.,  are  you  going  to  do.    102-15. 

alene,    imp.  2  plu.,  you  must  do  it.    100-18,  101-3. 

anaidiyau,    past  1  plu.,  we  do  this.    361-9. 

anauwlate,    fut.  1  sing.,  I  was  intending  to  do.    260-3. 

anauwdiyau,    past  1  sing.,  I  did  it.    282-5.  325-12. 

anayadillau,    past  3  plu.,  they  fixed  themselves.    170-1. 

anadlyau,    past  3a  sing.,  it  did  that.    244-11. 

anadillau,    past  3  sing.,  he  made  himself.    152-11. 

a  na  dil  le,    imp.  2  sing.,  plu.,  fix  yourself.    170-1. 

a  na  dit  ten,    past  1  dual,  we  did.    217-7. 

ana  tcillau,    past  3  sing.,  he  did.    106-8. 

anatcillate,    fut.  3  sing.,  he  will  do.    258-4. 

a  nun  di  yau,    past  2  sing.,  you  did  that  way.  275-1,  326-6. 

ahwola,    pres.  2  plu.,  you  have  treated  me.    166-12. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Ilupa  Language.  137 

a  xo  la  do,    pres.  3a  sing.,  if  it  happens.    308-1,  5. 

axodil  la.    pres.  1  phi.,  we  could  do  with  him.    116-16. 

adlya.    pres.  3a  sing.,  it  has  happened.    361-6. 

adiyauwei,    past  3a  sing.,  something  is  coming.    104-14. 

adlya  te,    fut.  3a  sing.,  it  will  be.    260-18. 

adlyatei.,    fut.  3a  sing.,  it  would  do.    234-11. 

a  /en.     past  3  sing.,  he  did  it.     98-9. 

a /en.    past  3a  sing.,  it  did  it.     120-9. 

a  /inwes/e,    pres.  3a  sing.,  it  had  done.    325-10. 

a/inte,    fut.  3  sing.,  (Indians)  will  do.    215-9. 

ateillau,    past  3  sing.,  he  did  it.     112-5. 

a  kil  lau,    past  3  sing.,  they  did.    266-13,  322-1. 

akyole,    imp.  2  phi.,  you  do.     198-2. 

eea,    cust.  3a  sing.,  it  always  lay.    292-2. 

eillu    cust.  3o  sing.,  (in  composition).  223-14,  248-1. 

iu/rtcitte,    fut.  1  sing.,  I  will  die.    346-13. 

il  le  ne,    imp.  2  sing.,  become.     109-6. 

inhirii..    imp.  2  sing.,  you  call.    355-6. 

ole,    imp.  2  phi.,  become.     110-7. 

o  le,    imp.  3  sing.,  let  it  become.    340-8,  362-7. 

olene,    imp.  2  phi.,  become.     109-18. 

ul  le,    imp.  2  sing.,  take  it  over.    220-13. 

ul  le  ne,    imp.  2  sing.,  do  it.     176-7. 

iin  dl  van,    past  2  sing.,  you  did.    257-8,  337-9. 

fin  dl  ya  te.    fut.  2  sing.,  will  you  do.    266-4. 

un  te,    pres.  3a  sing.,  there  is.    209-15. 

iin  te.    pres.  3  sing.,  used  to  be  seen.    235-18. 

van  a,    pres.  3  sing.,  he  sitting.    110-14. 

yafi  ai,    past  3  sing.,  they  were  sitting.    329-3. 

ya  sil  lai,    past  3  phi.,  they  were  there.    180-3. 

mal  yeujr  ai  il  lu,    cust.  3a  sing.,  she  took  care  of  it.    136-7. 

mal  yeuu-  a  tcil  lau,  past  3  sing.,  she  took  care  of  it.    157-6. 

mesaun,    pres.  3a  sing.,  was  in  it.    243-15. 

nan  a  ei,    past  3a  sing.,  it  hangs  there.    295-3. 

naii  ya,    pres.  3a  sing.,  it  rains.    229-3. 

nan  yai,     past  3a  sing.,  it  rained.     144-5. 

nan  xa,    pres.  3a  sing.,  it  has  come  to  be.    310-1. 

na  sa  an,    past  3a  sing.,  it  was.    360-8. 

AM.  ARCH.  ETH.  3, 10. 


138  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

na  sa  un  te,     fut.  3a  sing.,  it  will  be.     226-9. 
na  dil  le,    pres.  3  sing.,  they  are.    211-13. 
nadillene,    imp.  2  pin.,  you  may  become.    166-12. 
nadillete,    fut.  3  sing.,  they  will  become  again.     116-12. 
na  dil  le  te,    fut.  3  sing.,  it  was  going  to  happen.    117-5. 
na  dil  lu,    past  (fut.)  3  sing.,  it  will  be.    243-2. 
nin  eL,    pres.  3a  plu.,  that  is.    228-2. 
xa  ai  lau,    past  3a  sing.,  it  broke.    290-1. 
xa  a  in  nu,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  always  did  that.     139-9. 
xaainnu,    cust.  3a  sing.,  that  happened.    340-5. 
xaaityau,    past  3  sing.,  he  did  that.    98-8. 
xaaityaxolan,    pres.  3  sing.,  the  same  he  found  he  was. 

346-7. 

xa  aim'  di  ya  te,    fut.  1  sing.,  I  am  going  to  do  what.  202-8. 
xaanaityau,    past  3  sing.,  he  did  that  way.    255-9. 
xa  a  na  tcil  lau,    past  3  sing.,  that  he  did.     260-9. 
xa  a  xo  lau,    past  3a  sing.,  he  did  the  same  thing.1   278-12. 
xaaxolene,    pres.  3a  sing.,  he  should  do  that.1  163-2. 
xa  a  di  yau,    past  3a  sing.,  it  acted  the  same  way.    244-14. 
xaadiyateL,     fut.  3a  sing.,  that  way  it  will  be.     341-16. 
xa  a  tin  wes  te,     pres.  3a  sing.,  the  same  thing  it  always 

did.    325-1. 

xa  a  fan  win  te,    pres.  3  sing.,  she  always  did  that.    136-14. 
xa  a  tin  te,    fut.  3a  sing.,  that  way  will  do  it.    229-8. 
xa  a  tcil  lau,    past  3  sing.,  same  thing  he  did.    211-1. 
xaatcityau,    past  3  sing.,  that  he  did.    280-12. 
xaulle,    imp.  2  sing.,  do  that.     165-19. 
xadiyate,    fut.  3a  sing.,  it  will  do  that.    254-10. 
xolin,    absolute  form,  (I  wish)  it  wras.    340-7. 
xolmi,    absolute  form,  he  found.    361-16. 
xdlunteL,    absolute  fut.,  he  will  be  the  one.    209-12. 
xo  tcin  na  sil  lai,    past.  3a  plu.,  she  was  dressed  in.    164-9. 
xo  tcin  sil  la  ne  en,    pres.  3a  plu.,  on  her  used  to  be.    153-4. 
xwaeille,    cust.  3a  sing.,  he  had  enough.    332-6. 
saun,    pres.  3a  sing.,  standing.     110-13. 
sa  un  te,    fut.  3a  sing.,  it  will  be.    226-10. 


1  These  two  verbs  were  probably  inexactly  translated  in  Hupa   Texts. 
They  are  evidently  impersonal,  "it  happened"  and  "it  should  be  done." 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Jlupa  Language.  139 

saanne,    pres.  3a  sing.,  (house)  standing.1    164-15. 

saxanne,    past  3a  sing.,  in  the  distance  was.    112-13. 

sil  len,    past.  3a  sing.,  it  seemed.    246-2. 

sil  lin  te,    fut.  3a  sing.,  that  is  going  to  be.    287-5. 

sit  da,    pres.  3a  sing.,  (he  saw  several  boys)  sitting  there. 

164-16. 

sitdai,    past  3a  sing.,  (two)  lived  there.    278-1. 
sit  ten,    past  3a  sing.,  she  was  lying.    145-8. 
sittetc°x,    pres.  3a  phi.  (dual),  they  lay  there.    322-6. 
sit  tin,    pres.  3a  sing.,  she  was  lying.     117-2. 
sux  xun,    pres.  3a  sing.,  lying  in  a  basket.    171-7. 
da  xo  a  di  ya  xo  Ian,    past  3a  sing.,  he  was  dead  they  found 

out.    175-11. 

da  xo  a  fen,    past  3  sing.,  who  die.    346-4. 
da  xo  un  a  di  ya  te,    fut,  3«  sing.,  they  will  die.     217-16. 
da  xo  un  a  tcityau,    past  3  sing.,  that  he  was  dead.    226-5. 
da  xwed  un  ul  lau,    past  2  sing.,  what  are  you  doing.  163-3. 
daxweddaiia  dlyau,    past  3a  sing.,  what  is  it  going  to  do. 

270-6. 
daxweddinnaawr  fin,     pres.  1  sing.,  what  am  I  doing. 

163-4. 

da  sit  tan,    past  3a  sing.,  it  was  sitting  there.    246-10. 
da  sit  tun,    pres.  3a  sing.,  there  it  sits.    246-9. 
da  sit  ten,    past  3o  sing.,  it  was  lying.    114-16. 
do  me  sa  un,     pres.  3a  sing.,  nothing  was  in  it.     243-9. 
do  he  tcit  tcit,    past  3  sing.,  he  did  not  die.    164-1. 
do  xa  auic  ten,    past  1  sing.,  I  never  do  that.    109-4. 
doxaundlyau,    past  2  sing.,  you  don't  do  that.     343-13. 
doxolen,    absolute,  (eyes)  were  lacking.     106-6. 
doxoliii,    absolute,  (sweathouse  wood)  is  gone.     141-8. 
doxolifi     itdau,     impot,  3a  sing.,  they  won't  melt  away. 

254-7. 
do  xo  lifi   niii  xa  ten  tcil  lu,    impot.  3  sing.,  it  won 't  be  rich 

man  he  wTill  become.    338-7. 
doxolifi.    sedai>    impot.  1  sing.,  I  can't  stay.     360-11. 


1  The  situation  of  this  form  in  the  sentence  after  fin  kya  requires  the 
present.  The  vowel  of  the  root  (second  syllable)  is  that  of  the  past  be 
cause  of  the  following  ne,  which  indicates  the  house  is  in  sight. 


140  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

do  xo  lin  da  xo  a  ten,  impot.  3  sing.,  they  won't  die.    253-7, 

doxosle,    absolute,  there  were  none.     96-7,  98-7,  322-5. 

duw  di  ya,    pres.  1  sing.,  I  am  in  the  condition.    355-10. 

teille,    pres.  3  sing.,  (I  wish)  would  be.    340-10. 

tcitdei,    past  3a  sing.,  it  died.    266-8. 

tcit  tcit  xo  Ian,    pres.  3  sing.,  he  died.    347-3. 

tcit tcitdei,    past  3  sing.,  he  died.    164-4. 

CLASS  II. 
Conjugation  IA. 

Ye  tciL  da,    he  is  carrying  in  a  large  object. 
Present  Indefinite. 

Singular.  Plural. 

1.  ye  iuw  da  ye  it  dil  da 

2.  yeiLda  yeoLda 

3.  ye  tciL  da  yeyaiLda 
3a.  yeyiLda  yeyaiiida 

Impotential. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  do  xo  lin  ye  iuw  da  do  xo  lin  ye  it  dil  da 

2.  ye  IL  da  ye  OL  da 

3.  ye  tciL  da  ye  ya  IL  da 
3a.                 ye  yiL  da                                    ye  yai  iL  da 

Imperative. 

Singular.  Plural. 

2.  yeiLda  yeoLda 

3.  yetcoLda  yeyatcoLda 
3a.  yeyoLda  yeyaiyoLda 

Customary. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  ye  e  iuw  da  ye  e  it  dil  da 

2.  yeeiLda  yeeoLda 

3.  ye  tee  IL  da  yeyaiLda 
3a.  ye  yeiLda  ye  yai  IL  da 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  141 

Present  Definite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  yeweida  yewitdilda 

2.  yewii-da  yewotda 

3.  yetcuwh.  da  yeyawii.  da 
3a.  yeyiiwii.  da  yeyaiwn.  da 

Past  Definite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1 .  ye  weL  da  ye  wit  dil  da 

2.  yewii,  da  yewoLda 

3.  yetcuwiLda  ye  ya  wit.  da 
3rt.  ye  yu  wiL  da  ye  yai  wii.  da 

Class  II  differs  from  Class  I,  in  form,  in  having  the  sound  T. 
as  the  final  sound  of  the  syllable  immediately  preceding  the  root. 
Some  changes  in  the  signs  of  the  persons  and  numbers  are  occa 
sioned  by  this  invasion. 

Indefinite  Tenses. 

It  seems  probable  that  L  cannot  stand  after  the  sound  w 
of  the  first  person  singular,  therefore  the  form  is  the  same  as  in 
Class  T.  In  the  first  person  plural  of  all  the  conjugations  of  this 
class,  T.  apparently  becomes  voiced  and  appears  as  1. 

The  disappearance,  in  the  second  person  singular,  of  n  is 
probably  due  to  T.  being  added  to  the  syllable.  That  -n  norm 
ally  belongs  here,  as  well  as  in  all  other  second  person  singulars, 
is  shown  by  its  presence  in  Tolowa,  where  the  syllable  appears  as 
-gum.-,  g  and  u,  respectively,  being  the  equivalents  of  Hupa 
w  and  i.  The  second  person  plural  adds  i.  without  any  other 
change.  In  the  third  person  singular  T,  unites  with  the  weak 
vowel  of  the  sign,  forming  ten.-  and  yh,-,  respectively.  In 
accordance  with  the  genius  of  the  Hupa  language,  in  the  third 
person  plural,  T..  not  finding  available  support,  has  formed  a 
new  syllable,  with  the  aid  of  i. 

Definite  Tenses. 

The  introduction  of  L  furnishes  but  little  difficulty.  It 
appears  in  these  tenses  in  the  first  person  singular  as  well  as  else 
where.  In  the  third  person  singular  and  plural  it  completes  the 
syllable  of  which  the  conjugation  sign  w  is  the  beginning.  The 


142  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

question  arises,  whether,  if  the  L  displaces  the  n  in  the  second 
person  singular,  as  has  been  mentioned  above,  it  has  not  in  the 
third  person  forced  out  the  11  which  appears  in  Class  I.  The 
Tolowa,  which  always  has  -gunL-  in  the  second  person  singular, 
has  sometimes  -guL-  and  sometimes  -gunL-  in  the  third  person. 

ye  yu  wiL  kit  de  te,  fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  it  will  go  there. 
301-9. 

yetceiikas,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  threw  in.    288-7. 

ye  tcu  wiL  da,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  carried  in.    191-13. 

ye  tcu  wiL  taL  ei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  they  landed.    362-5. 

ye  tcu  wiL  ten,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  put  it  in.    289-17. 

ye  tcu  WIL  ten  nei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  took  him  in.  222-8. 

ye  tcu  WIL  tin  de,  pres.  def.  3  sing.,  if  they  will  take  them 
in.  302-7. 

ye  tcu  wiL  £6,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  slipped  them.    329-1. 

yin  ne  tcu  wiL  ten  nei,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  put  him  in  the 
ground.  215-3. 

yin  ne  tcu  wiL  tin,  pres.  def.  3  sing.,  in  the  ground  they 
have  put.  221-3. 

yooLtuw,    imp.  2  plu.,  put  in.    362-6. 

WOL  din  tan,  fut.  def.  2  plu.,  you  will  get  used  to  it. 
180-9. 

do  tcu  wiL  den,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  got  lonesome.  220-4. 
306-10. 

teweLqotcte,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  throw  in.     112-4. 

te  wiL  au«>  hw?il,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  crawls.    311-4. 

tcu  wiLtel,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  was  bringing.    329-6. 

tcu  wiL  ten,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  put  him.    152-9. 

tcuwiLkil,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  split  with  his  hands.  210-1 

tcu  wiL  kyos  il,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  taking  it  along.  208-9. 

Conjugation  IB. 
Me  ML  te,    he  is  singing. 

Present  Indefinite. 

Singular.  Plural. 

1.  mekyuw;te  mekitdilte 

2.  mekiLte  mekyoLte 

3.  mekiLte  meyakiLte 
3a.  mi  ML  te  me  yai  kiL  te 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language. 


143 


Singular. 

2.  mekiLte 

3.  mekyoLte 
3a.  mikyoLte 

Singular. 

1.  mekeiu/rtu 

2.  me  ke  ii.  tu 

3.  mekeii.  tu 
3a.  mike  ir.  tu 


Impotential. 

Singular.  Plural. 

1.  do  x5  lin  me  kyutr  tu  do  xo  lin  me  kit  dil  tu 

2.  inekiLtu  mekydLtu 

3.  mekiLtu  meyakiLtu 
3a.                 mikiLtu                                    ineyaikiLtu 

Imperative. 

Plural. 

me  kyoL  te 
me  ya  kyoL  te 
me  yai  kyoi.  te 

Customary. 

Plural. 

me  ke  it  dil  tu 
me  kyd  OL  tu 
meyakeiLtu 
me  yai  ke  ir.  tu 

Present  Definite. 
Plural. 

me  kyu  wit  dil  te 
me  kyu  WOL  te 
me  ya  kyu  W!L  te 
me  yai  kyu  wii.  te 

Past  Definite. 

Plural. 

me  kyu  wit  dil  tu 
me  kyu  WOL  tu 
me  ya  kyu  \\T.L  tu 
me  yai  kyu  wiL  tu 

ana  dit  du  wii.kan,     past  def.  3  sin^r.,  he  jumped  out  one 

side.    108-15. 
yanakyu  wir.  tsil  Hi.  te,     fut.  def.  3  plu.,  they  may  split. 

109-8. 

yakii.  tsis,    pres.  3  sing.,  he  made  it  sprinkle.    338-2. 
yenawiLmen,    past  def.  3  sin?.,  he  made  it  swim.  266-2. 
wun  du  wiL  tcut,    past  def.  3  sin?.,  he  took.    96-12. 
meya  kyu  wir,  tel.     pres.  def.  3  plu.,  they  sang.     234-1. 


1. 


Singular. 

me  ker.  te 

2.  mekyuwiLte 

3.  mekyuwiLte 
3a.  mi  kyu  wiL  te 

Singular. 

1.  mekeLtu 

2.  me  kyu  wiL  tu 

3.  me  kyu  wiL  tu 
3a.  mikyuwir.  tu 


144  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH-  ETH- 

me  na  kyu  wiL  tu,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  sang  again.  238-15. 
me  du  wiL  a,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  put  the  ends  in  the 

fire.     242-11. 

mekyuwiLtel,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  that  singing.    235-4. 
mekyuwiLtu,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  sang.    234-6. 
naadiLwuL,    imp.  2  sing.,  hurry.    354-3. 
naixonnu  wiLhttron,     past  def.   3«   sing.,   it   cured  him. 

121-13. 

na  na  kin  nu  WIL  a,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  made  a  ridge.  104-3 
naxowiLme,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  bathed  him.    187-12. 
na  xo  wiL  tun  te,    fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  it  will  be  wet.     273-6. 
na  xo  wii>  tsai  ei,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  was  dried  up.  111-14 
naxoLtun,    imp.  3a  sing.,  let  it  get  soft.    233-6. 
na  do  weL  din  tse,     pres.  1  sing.,  I  am  becoming  lonesome 

for.     176-2. 

nin  kyu  wiL  aL,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  cut  it.     266-10. 
xo  W!L  tsai  ye  de,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  until  it  becomes  dry. 

255-7. 
xo  wiL  tsai  ye  te,     fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  it  becomes  shallow. 

259-16. 

xo  wiL  teweL  te,    fut.  3  sing.,  he  fixes  the  place. 
XOL  yai  din  ne  wiL  a,    past  def.  3a  phi.,  they  learned  (how 

to  shoot).     180-13. 

danadiLa,    imp.  2  sing.,  shoot.    329-11. 
danadoi.a,     imp.  3  sing.,  he  can  shoot.     145-1. 
danaduwiLa,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  set  another  on  it. 

197-4. 

danaduwica,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  shot.  329-12. 
danadu  wiL  a  ei,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  hit.  145-2. 
da  tcit  du  wiL  kyos,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  has  taken  away. 

207-11. 

dedeiLkas,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  threw  into  the  fire.    238-13. 
do  he  XOL  din  nu  wiL  a,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  did  not  know 

how.     175-4. 

tcit  de  IL  ne,  cust.  3  sing.,  he  played  on  it.  99-12. 
tcit  du  wiL  waL  ei,  past  def.  3  sing.,  she  knocked  off. 

159-11. 


VOL.  3]    Ooddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  145 

tcitdu  wiLwis,    past  def.  3  sin  jr.,  he  rolled  it  between  his 

hands.     197-4. 
tcit  dii  WIL  tseL,     past  def.   3   sinjj.,   he  pounded   it   off. 

281-16. 
tco  xo  wiL  tcwel  HL  te,     fut.  def.   3  sinjr.,  he  will  fix  the 

dance  place.     211-1(5. 

tcoduwiLxut,    past  def.  3  sinjr.,  she  asked  them.    301-17. 
kyddii  wii.tsotstse,     past  def.  X  sinjr..  a  kissing  noise  she 

heard.     111-9. 
kyddii. teotsne,    imp.  2  sin<r.,  make  a  kissinjr,  noise.    111-7. 

Conjugation  Ic. 
YaiLwui.,    he  threw  into  the  air. 

Present  Indefinite. 
Singular.  1'lunil. 

1.  yautPwuL  ya  dil  WUL 

2.  yuLwuL  yai.wuL 

3.  ya  ii.  WUL  ya  ya  ii.  WUL 
3a.  yaiLwuL                                     yayaiLwuL 

Impotential. 

Singular.  Plural. 

1.  do  xo  lin  yauic  wul  do  xo  liii  ya  dil  wul 


2.                   yuL  wul 
3.                  yaiLwul 
3a.                  yaiL  will 

yaL  wul 
ya  ya  iL  wul 
yayaiLwul 

Singular. 

Imperative. 

Plural. 

2.  yuLwuL 
3.  yatcoLwuL 
3a.  yaioLwuL 

yaL  WUL 
ya  ya  tcoL  WUL 
yayai  OL  WUL 

Singular. 

Customary. 
Plural. 

1.  yaiujcwul 
2.  yaiL  wul 
3.  yaiLwul 
3a.  yai  iL  wul 

ya  it  dil  will 
ya  OL  wul 
ya  ya  IL  wul 
yayai  IL  wul 

146  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

Present  Definite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  yaiLwaL  yawitdilwaL 

2.  yaLwaL  yawdLwaL 

3.  yawiLwaL  yayawiLwaL 
3a.  yaiwiLwaL  yayaiwiLwaL 

Past  Definite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  yaiLwaL  yawitdilwaL 

2.  yaLwaL  yawoLwaL 

3.  yawiLwaL  yayawiLwaL 
3a.  yaiwiLwaL  yayaiwiLwaL 

yaiLwul,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  always  clubs  them.    196-1. 
yamctmc,    pres.  1  sing.,  let  me  pick  it  up.    286-11. 
yawiLwaL,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  threw.    362-8. 
yawiLtennei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  picked  up.    287-3. 
yawii.kas,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  threw  up.    96-3. 
yawiLkyos,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  picked  up.    293-6. 
yanauwtuw;,    pres.  1  sing.,  I  will  pick  up.    286-9. 
vena  WIL  ten,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  put  it  in.    136-5. 
yenawiLkait,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  landed.    135-12. 
waiiLtmr,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  always  gave.    136-12. 
Le  nai  W!L  dil  la  din,     pres.  def.  3a  sing.,  build  a  fire  place 

351-5. 

me  na  wiL  na  ei,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  steamed  them.  342-12. 
mena  wiLkyo,  past  def.  3  sing.,  she  was  that  big.  341-4. 
naiwiLxaLte,  fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  night  will  pass.  242-17. 
nanawiLkyos,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  took  it  down.  204-4. 
no  na  wiL  dits  tse,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  had  a  door  shut. 

97-2. 

hiooiLkas,    imp.  2  sing.,  throw  me.    153-10. 
xa  na  wiL  ten,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  dug  it  out.    221-10. 
xeeiLyol,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  blows  away.     296-15. 
xeewiLwaL,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  threw  away.     189-11. 
xeenaiLkis,    cust.  3  sing.,  she  pushed  it  away.    185-3. 
xotdaii.kas,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  threw  down.     138-8. 
da  nai  wiL  kil  HL  te,    fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  fog  will  stay.  273-2. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Tfupa  Language.  147 

djewiLtseL,    past  def.  3  sin?.,  he  pounded  it.    108-11. 
djewiLkil,    past  def.  3  sin?.,  he  tore  away.    176-9. 
djenawii.  tujr,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  opened  it.     109-2. 
tawii.kait,    past  def.  3  sin?.,  he  started  across.    315-1. 
tcwin  dai  wii,  ten,    past  def.  3a  sin?.,  he  spoiled.    221-13. 
tcwin  da wiL ten,    past  def.  3  sin?.,  he  spoiled.    222-5. 
keyawiLna,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  cooked.    266-10. 
kewiLna,    past  def.  3  sin?.,  she  cooked  them.    99-9. 
kewiLfan,    past  def.  3  sin?.,  he  put  (pitch).    150-12. 
kenawiLna,    past  def.  3  sin?.,  he  cooked  it.    260-6. 
kyu  wa  na  IL  tuw,    cust.  3  sin?.,  he  who  ?ives  back.    241-4. 
kit  ta  ya  WIL  tsit,     past  def.  3  plu.,  they  soaked  the  meal. 
180-4. 


Conjugation  ID. 
Yekii.wis,    he  is  borin?  a  hole. 

Present  Definite. 

Singular.  Plural. 

1.  yekyuicwis  yekitdilwis 

2.  ye  ML  wis  yekyoLwis 

3.  yekii,  wis  ye  ya  kiL  wis 
3a.  ye  yl  kiL  wis  yeyaikiLwis 

Impotential. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1 .  do  xo  lifi  ye  kyuw  wis  do  xo  lin  ye  kit  dil  wis 

2.  ye  kiL  wis  ye  kyoL  wis 

3.  ye  kiL  wis  ye  ya  kiL  wis 
3a.                  ye  yl  kiL  wis  ye  yai  kiL  wis 

Imperative. 
Singular.  Plural. 

2.  ye  ML  wis  yekyoLwis 

3.  ye  kyoL  wis  ye  ya  kyoi.  wis 
3a.  ye  yl  kyoL  wis                              ye  yai  kyoL  wis 


148 


University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 


Singular. 

1.  yekeiuwwis 

2.  yekeiLwis 

3.  yekeiLwis 
3a.  yeyikeiLwis 

Singular. 

1.  yekeLwis 

2.  yekyuwiLwis 

3.  yekiLwis 
3a.  yeyikiLwis 

Singular. 

1.  yekeLwis 

2.  yekyuwiLwis 

3.  yekiLwis 
3«.  yeyikiLwis 


Customary. 

Plural. 

ye  ke  it  dil  wis 
ye  ke  OL  wis 
ye  ya  ke  IL  wis 
ye  yai  ke  IL  wis 

Present  Definite. 
Plural. 

ye  kyu  wit  dil  wis 
ye  kyu  WOL  wis 
ye  ya  ML  wis 
ye  yai  kiL  wis 

Past  Definite. 
Plural. 

ye  kyu  wit  dil  wis 
ye  kyu  WOL  wis 
ye  ya  kiL  wis 
ye  yai  kiL  wis 

a  diL  ya  ML  qotc,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  threw  himself  with 

it.    202-3. 
a  diL  ya  ML  qotc  hit,     pres.   def.   3  sing.,  when  he  threw 

himself  with  it.     202-7. 
a  diL  116  ke  iL  qow,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  used  to  throw  to  with 

himself.     202-4. 

yaxoLten,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  has  taken  him.    151-4. 
yenaxdLwaL,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  threw  him.    106-13. 
yekiLwis,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  bored  a  hole.    197-3. 
yekiLtaL,    past  def.  3  dual,  they  began  to  dance.     179-2. 
yekiLtseL,     past  def.  3  sing.,  she  passed  the  water  in. 

111-9. 
yin  ne  ya  XOL  taL,     past  def.   3  sing.,   in  the   ground  he 

tramped  them.     361-10. 

ma  ML  kit,  past  def.  3  sing.,  she  fed  the  little  one.  192-1. 
ma  kyuw  kit,  pres.  1  sing.,  I  better  feed  them.  192-1. 
miL  xot  da  ML  waL,  past  def.  3  sing.,  with  she  dropped 

down.    189-11. 
min  noi  kiL  dik,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  he  pecked  open.  113-15. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  149 

na  a  diL  WUL.    imp.  2  sing.,  hurry.    354-3. 
nai  xoi  ii.  fan,    cust.  3a  ship.,  it  flew  around  hor.    338-8. 
nayai  xoiiLtcwoig,     eust.   3a   plu.,   they   brush   him   to 
gether.     196-3. 

nadei.waL,  past  def.  3  sing.,  ho  put  it.  114-5. 
nlyiinkiLui.,    pres.  def.  3  plu.,  they  were  cutting.    101-2. 
nonaxoLtu/r,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  had  her  laid.    342-8. 
hirdii.kns,    imp.  2  sing.,  throw  me.    153-10. 
xii  na  .  XOIL  tfur,     c-ust.  3  sing.,  she  kept  lifting  him   out. 

223-15. 
xot  da  na  ya  XOL  xa,     past  def.  3  plu.,  down  they  tracked 

him.    170-3. 

xwayakiLkit,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  fed  them.    192-11. 
danaxdLten,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  put  him.     108-1. 
danadeLwaL,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  poured  it.    281-17. 
dakiLkis,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  put  his  hand.    140-3. 
de  xot  dii.  waL,    past  def.  3  sin*;.,  he  threw  him  in  the  fire 

120-8. 

dedeii.  kas,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  threw  into  the  fire.    238-13. 
donaya  xoLtsit.    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  did  not  know  him. 

166-15. 

do  kiL  tcwit,    pres.  3  sing.,  no  one  ever  pushes  it.     106-12. 
tekiLqotc,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  threw  it  in.    112-6. 
kiL tuu? hu/a uii,     pres.    2   sing,    (interrogative)    you    are 

splitting?     108-7. 

kiL  tu«f  tse,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  someone  splitting  logs.  108-5 
kiL  tcwit,    imp.  2  sing.,  push  it.     162-14. 
kyuir  tcwit,    pres.  1  sing.,  let  me  push  it.    106-11. 

Conjugation  2. 
Me  iL  xe,     he  is  finishing. 

Present  Indefinite. 

Singular.  Plural. 

1.  muic  xe  me  dil  xe 

2.  miLxe  meLxe 

3.  meiLxe  meyaiLxe 
3a.  ml  iL  xe  me  yaiL  xe 


150 


University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 


Singular. 

1.  do  xo  lin  HIUM;  xu 

2.  miL  xii 

3.  me  IL  xu 
3a.                  mi  IL  xii 

Singular. 

2.  miLxe 

3.  metcoLxe 
3a.  mevoLxe 


Impotential. 

Plural. 

doxolin  medilxii 
meLxu 
me  ya  IL  xu 
me  yaiL  xu 

Imperative. 

Plural. 
meL  xe 
me  ya  tcoL  xe 
me  ya  yoL  xe 


Customary. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  me  imc  xu  me  it  dil  xu 

2.  meiLxu  meoLxu 

3.  meiLxu  meyaiLxu 
3a.  mliLxu  meyaiiLxu 

Present  Definite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  meneLxe  mindilxe 

2.  meniLxe  menoLxe 

3.  meniLxe  meyaniLxe 
3a.  miniLxe  meyainiLxe 

Past  Definite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  me  neL  xe  min  dil  xe 

2.  meniLxe  menoLxe 

3.  meniLxe  meyaniLxe 
3a.  miniLxe  meyainiLxe 

aL  me  na  nil.  tcwit,     past  def.  3  sing.,  with  it  she  pushed 

herself.    135-11. 
iiJcainiL  tcwit,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  pressed  down  on  it. 

143-2. 

ya  niL  kait  dei,     past  def.  3  plu.,  they  got  there.     159-15. 

wunnoLkai,    imp.  2  sing.,  shoot.     144-14. 

wun  no  neL  kai  te,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  shoot.     144-16. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Ilupa  Language.           151 

wiin  no  xon  nil.  t'm  te,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  he  is  going  to  get 

him  to  do.     141-13. 
i.enanii.  ten,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  carried  it  all  around. 

282-10. 

i.e  kin  nil.  yets  te,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  to  tie  together.  151-10. 
me  na  niL  tcwit,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  pushed  it.     106-13. 
me  neL  xe  tei.,  fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  am  finishing  it.    261-3. 
menii.  xe,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  finished  it.    296-8. 
me  nil.  tcwit,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  pushed  it.    106-2. 
me  xo  niL  tcwit,      past   def.    3a    sing.,    something   pushed 

him.    109-13. 

me  tee  ya  nil.  to,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  skinned  him.  328-5. 
miLxoi  nil.  xe,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  went  on  him.  308-8. 
mil.  tcwit,    imp.  2  sing.,  push  it.    105-18. 
nanayaxon  niLxaei,     past  def.  3   plu.,  they  found  his 

tracks.     170-4. 

nanii.  deL,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  struck.  120-4. 
naniLkis,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  cut  him.  164-1. 
nil.  kai  nil,  tcwit,  past  def.  3  sing.,  toward  the  ground  he 

pressed.    210-17. 

uoi  ii.kit,    cust.  3a  sing.,  spread  out.    321-7. 
noir.  xuts,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  chewed  oft'.    288-5. 
noi  nil.  kit,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  smoke  stayed  in  one  place. 

220-3. 
noi  nil.  kit  ne  wan,     pres.  3a  sing.,  like  fog  it  appeared. 

210-10. 

noi  xwe  JL  LU,    cust.  3a  sing.,  they  throw  down.    195-11. 
no  ya  xon  niL  ten,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  left  him.    169-7. 
116  na  ii.  kyos,    cust.  3  sing.,  she  put  away.    333-7. 
nonainii.kit,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  settled.    96-3. 
no  na  nil.  ten,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  put  it.    221-11. 
no  na  xon  nil,  tin  ne  en,     pres.  def.  3  sing.,  he  caught  up 

with  him.    176-11. 

no  ua  kin  niL  kis,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  put  his  hand.  221-4. 
no  nil.  tin  din,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  he  put  it  place.    266-9. 
noniLkait,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  pushed  them.    139-13. 
noniLkas,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  threw.    185-8. 
no  niL  kyos,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  put  it.    208-10, 


152  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH- 

nu  wa  me  neL  tcwit  te,     fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  loan  you. 

356-6. 

htcu  wa  miL  tcwit,    imp.  2  sing.,  loan  me.    326-7. 
xoi  kya  niL  ten,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  took  it  from  him. 

222-7. 
xo  wa  me  neL  tcwit  te,    fut.  def.  1  sing1.,  I  would  loan  him. 

356-17. 
XOL  tee  niL  tsit,     past  def.  3  sing.,  with  him  he  untied  it. 

108-1. 

do  wun  no  iL  kait,  cust.  3  sing.,  he  did  not  shoot.  144-13. 
do  ma  a  din  iL  tcwit,  cust.  3  sing.,  she  did  not  move.  341-1. 
do  ma  a  din  niL  tcwit,  past  def.  3  sing.,  she  could  not  walk. 

276-3. 
do  n5  niL  tin  tesil  len,     fut.  def.  3  sing.,  he  did  not  want 

to  leave  it.    293-8. 

tee  iL  to,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  pulled  out  the  knot.    332-12. 
tee  na  niL  kait  dei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  poked  out.    174-9. 
tee  na  xdn  neL  tifi,    pres.  def.  1  sing.,  I  brought  it  down. 

273-7. 

tcenaxonniLten,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  took  out.    153-7. 
tee  niL  men  nei,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  made  it  swim  out. 

265-10. 

tee  nil,  ten,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  took  out.    282-2. 
tceniLtik,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  pinched  out.    143-14. 
tee  niL  tsit,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  untied  the  strap.    106-2. 
tee  niL  kait,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  put  out.    153-9. 
tee  xo  niL  ten,    past  def.  3  sing.,  they  took  him  out.    278-4. 
kenaneiLa,    cust.  3  sing.,  she  leaned  it  up.    290-1. 
keneiLa,    cust.  3  sing.,  she  leaned  it  up.    290-9. 
ke  niL  tcwit,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  lifted  it  up.    163-1. 
kiL  tcwit,    imp.  2  sing.,  push  it.    162-14. 
kymc  tewit,    pres.  1  sing.,  let  me  push  it.    106-11. 

Conjugation  3A. 
NaiLxut,    he  is  tearing  down. 

Present  Indefinite. 

Singular.  Plural. 

1.  nauw  xut  na  dil  xut 

2.  nuLxut  naLxut 

3.  naiLxut  nayaiLxut 
3a.  naiiLxut  nayaiiLxut 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  153 


Impotential. 


Singular. 

1 .  do  xo  lifi  nauir  xut 

2.  nuL  xiit 

3.  na  ii.  xiit 
3«.  nai  ii.  xut 


Plural. 

do  xo  lifi  na  dil  xut 
naL  xut 
na  ya  IL  xut 
na  vai  iLxut 


Singular. 

2.  nuLxiit 

3.  na  too  L  xiit 
3a.  na  OL  xut 


Singular. 

1.  na  iuir  xut 

2.  na  iL  xut 

3.  nail,  xut 
3rt.  nai  IL  xut 


Singular. 

1.  na  seL  xut 

2.  na  sii.  xut 

3.  na  ia  xut 
30.  naisxiit 


Singular. 

1.  naseLxut 

2.  na  sir.  xut 

3.  naisxut 
3o.  naisxut 


Itnpprative. 


Plural. 

nai.  xut 

na  ya  tcoL  xut 

nayaioL  xut 

Customary. 

? 

Plural. 

na  it  dil  xut 
na  OL  xut 
na  ya  ii.  xut 
nayai  iLxut 

Present  Definite. 

Plural. 

nas  dil  xut 
na  SOL  xut 
na  ya  is  xut 
na  yais  xut 

Past  Definite. 

Plural, 
nas  dil  xut 
na  SOL  xiit 
na  ya  is  xut 
na  yais  xiit 


The  form  with  L  is  similar  to  that  of  the  first  and  second 
conjugations.  It  will  be  noticed  that  the  L  disappears  in  the 
third  person  singular  and  plural  of  the  definite  tenses  after  s 
which  it  would  be  compelled  to  follow  in  the  same  syllable. 

ana  distcwen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  made  himself.  101-14. 

AM.  ARCH.  ETH.  3, 11. 


154  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

a  da  yis  tcwin  te,    fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  he  makes  for  himself. 

338-6. 

a  dis  tcwen,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  made  himself.    102-6. 
adistcwinte,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  he  might  make.    363-5. 
iuwtcwe,    pres.  1  sing.,  let  me  make.     278-7. 
iLtcwe,    imp.  2  sing.,  make  it.    278-8. 
yai  xos  tcwuw,    past  def.  3  sing.,  they  smelled  of  him.  165-3 
ya  na  is  kil,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  split  it.     142-3,  210-2. 
wuii  LO  tcis  tcwen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  about  it  he  laughed. 

151-15. 

menaisteei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  carried  it.    290-10. 
nair.its,    pres.  3a  sing.,  it  is  running  around.     294-4. 
naiLits^x,    pres.  3  sing.,  he  ran  around.     185-10. 
naiLte°x,    pres.  3  sing.,  she  earned  it.    290-6. 
naisits,    past  def.  3  sing.,  different  places  she  ran.    185-6. 
naismennei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  made  it  swim.     266-1. 
na  is  xut,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  tore  down.    104-8. 
na  is  to,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  carried  it  around.    282-4. 
na  is  tcwen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  made.    110-12. 
naistcwrennei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  that  grew.     287-7. 
na  is  tcwin  teL,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  he  wrill  make.    321-11. 
nauitftcwe,    pres.  1  sing.,  I  am  going  to  make.    301-1. 
na  yai  xoi  ii.  tcwe,     cust.  3a  plu.,  they  make  him.     196-3. 
nayaisxut,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  tore  down.    267-8. 
naya  is  tcwen,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  made.    284-1. 
naseL  tcwen,    past  def.  1  sing.,  I  made.    296-2. 
naseLtcwifi,    pres.  def.  1  sing.,  I  make.    302-11. 
na  SCL  tcwin  te,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  make  it.     257-14. 
nas  its  ei,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  ran  around.    294-3. 
noi  na  seL  tcwin  te,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  bury  it.    282-6. 
hwiLtcwe,    imp.  2  sing.,  make  me.     114-3. 
xai  xos  ten  nei,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  they  took  her  up.  239-1. 
xaisten,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  brought  up.    99-2. 
ya  is  tcwen,     past  def.   3  plu.,  they  made  up    (a  load). 

171-17. 

seLwaLte,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  am  going  to  shake  a  stick. 
238-7. 
SCL  tcwin,    pres.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  make.  290-8. 


VOL.  31    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.           155 


SCL  tcwin  te,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  make  it.     152-3. 

do  nais  tcwin,     pres.  def.   3a  sing.,  nobody  could  make. 

322-8. 
tanaiswaLei,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  threw  it  out  of  the 

water.    217-17. 
ta  na  is  ten  nei,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  had  taken  it  out. 

217-17. 
ta  nai  xos  do  wei,     past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  cut  him  all  to 

pieces.     108-2. 

tesoLtinte,    fut.  def.  2  plu.,  you  will  take.    222-7. 
tceiLwal,    cust.  3  sing.,  they  dance.    239-3. 
tciL  waL  win  te,    pres.  3  sing.,  they  always  dance.    239-2. 
tcistcwen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  did  it.     157-10. 
tcis  tcwin  te,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  to  make.    98-1. 
tcoxostcwen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  made.     114-8. 

Conjugation  3fi. 
Tcis  siL  we,    he  is  killing. 

Present  Indefinite. 

Singular. 


1.  sutcwe 

2.  siLwe 

3.  tcissiLwe 
3a.  yissiLwe 


Singular. 

1.  do  xo  liii  SUM*  we 

2.  si  i.  we 

3.  tcis  SIL  we 
3a.                  yis  siL  we 


Singular. 

2.  siL  we 

3.  tcosoLwe 
3a.  yosoLwe 


Plural, 
sit  dil  we 
SOL  we 
ya  siL  we 
yaisii.  we 

Impotential. 

Plural. 

do  xo  lin  sit  dil  we 
SOL  we 
ya  siL  we 
yai  SIL  we 

Imperative. 

Plural. 

SOL  we 
yasoL  we 
yai  SOL  we 


156 


University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  ETH. 


Singular. 

1.  seimcwe 

2.  seiLwe 

3.  tcisseiLwe 
3a.  yisseiLwe 


Singular. 

1.  seseLwifi 

2.  sesiLwin 

3.  tcisseLwin 
3a.  yisseLwin 


Customary. 

Plural. 

se  it  dil  we 
so  OL  we 
ye  se  IL  we 
yai  se  IL  we 

Present  Definite. 
Plural, 
ses  dil  win 
se  SOL  win 
ya  SCL  win 
yai  SCL  win 


Singular. 

1.  seseLwen 

2.  sesiLwen 

3.  tcisseLwen 
3a.  yisseLwen 


Past  Definite. 

Plural. 

ses  dil  wen 
se  SOL  wen 
ya  seL  wen 
yai  SCL  wen 

Verbs  of  this  group  in  the  third  person  singular  and  plural  of 
the  definite  tenses,  instead  of  dropping  the  class  sign  L,  drop 
the  conjugation  sign  s.  The  s  which  appears  in  the  example 
above  belongs  to  the  prefix.  Most  of  these  verbs  are  similar  to 
those  which  occur  without  the  s  even  in  the  first  class  where  i. 
would  not  stand  after  it. 

a  til  teox  teL  tcwen,    past  def .  3  sing.,  he  is  growing  strong. 

294-17. 

yaxoseLwen,     past  def.  3  plu.,  they  killed  him.     171-12. 
yaxosiLwe,    pres.  3  sing.,  they  might  kill  him.    278-5. 
yaxoteLxa,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  tracked  him.    267-15. 
ya  teL  tcwen,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  grew.    265-1. 
ya  teL  kait,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  went  on.    159-14. 
yateLwis,     past   def.    3    plu.,    they   were    afraid    (they 

dodged).    179-10. 
ye  tcit  teL  kait,     past  def.  3  sing.,  one  after  the  other  he 

stuck  in.    322-2. 
yisseiLwe,    cust.  3a  sing.,  he  killed.    136-13. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  157 

yisseteL  wen  nei,    past  def.  3  sing:.,  he  commenced  to  kill. 

136-10. 

nainter.  dik,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  he  pecked.    113-14. 
nai  deL  do,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  cut  him.     164-3. 
naya  xotei.  xa,    past  def.  3  pin.,  they  tracked  him.    170-3. 
na  xo  teL  tcwo  ig,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  swept.    210-12. 
na  del.  waL,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  put  it.  114-5. 
naditteLwaL,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  threw  them.    109-16, 

192-12. 

na  teL  men,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  made  it  swim.    266-1. 
na  teL  dit  dau-ir,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  ran.     100-13. 
nateLditctcwen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  grew.    96-1. 
na  teL  dit  tcwin  xo  Ian,     pres.  def.  3  sing.,  he  had  grown. 

120-12. 

na  teL  ten,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  took  it  along.    282-3. 
lie  se  SCL  win  te,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  kill  you.    151-2. 
xoinateLweL,    past  def.  3  sing.,  they  camped.    116-7. 
xoi  teL  weL,     past  def.   3a   sing.,   they   spent  the  night. 

198-12. 
xolunueseL  win,    pres.  def.  3a  sing.,  it  has  worn  you  out. 

105-16. 

XOL  teL  tcwen,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  grew  with  him.  137-18 
xo  se  SCL  win  te,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  kill  him.     150-11, 

163-10. 

xosuw-'we,     pres.  1  sing.,  let  me  kill  him.     159-8. 
xo  dit  teL  xuts,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  felt  it  bite.    111-2. 
seseLwinte,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  kill  it.     162-7. 
danadeLwaL,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  poured  it.     281-17. 
do  he  min  teL  dauw,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  did  not  run  for 

it.     112-13. 

do  he  teL  tcwen,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  had  not  grown.  96-7. 
do  xo  lin  no  sir>  we,    impot.  2  sing.,  you  can 't  kill  us.  165-7. 
teL  ate,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  a  pack-train  came.    200-1. 
teL  ate  ei,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  they  went  with  a  pack-train. 

200-9. 

teL  tcwen,     past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  grew.     96-3. 
teL  tcwin  xo  lufi,    pres.  def.  3a  sing.,  it  had  grown.  306-17. 
tei.  tcwin  te,    fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  when  it  grows.   267-5. 


158  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

tesoLtinte,    fut.  def.  2  phi.,  you  will  take.     222-7. 
tsissiLwe,    pres.  3  sing.,  he  killed  one.    319-4. 
teexoseLwen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  killed  her.    164-11. 
tee  xo  teL  waL,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  pulled  him.     106-17. 
tee  xo  teL  ten,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  took  him  along.  210-15. 
tcex  xot  dit  teL  en,     past   def.   3   sing.,   he   watching  her. 

137-10. 

tceseLwen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  killed  it.     136-11. 
tcis  se  IL  we  ei,    cust.  3  sing.,  she  had  killed.    333-5. 
tcis  SCL  win  detc,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  if  he  kills.     139-5. 
tcis  SCL  win  te,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  he  will  kill.    311-16. 
tcis  se  teL  wen  e  xo  Ian,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  had  killed  he 

saw.    186-7. 

tcissiLwe,    pres.  3  sing.,  he  killed.     106-4. 
tcit  teL  LU,    past  def.,  3  sing.,  he  rubbed  it.    278-10. 
tcit  teL  men,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  made  it  swim.    265-9. 
tcit  teL  xa,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  tracked  it.    185-12. 
tcit  teL  dauw,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  ran  up.    152-15. 
tcit  teL  taL,    past  def.  3  sing.,  dancing.    362-4. 
tcit  teL  ten,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  took  along.    152-9. 
tcit  teL  tcwen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  one  after  the  other  grew. 

207-1. 

tcit  teL  tcwifi  h^un,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  he  may  grow.  348-6 
tcit  teL  kait,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  started  in  a  boat.  104-6. 
tcit  teL  kyos,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  took  it  along.    204-6. 
tcit  teL  qol,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  crawled.    347-8. 
tco  xot  dit  teL  en,     past  def.   3  sing.,  he  watched  along. 

97-10. 

kit  teL  tsas,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  whipped.    317-9. 
kit  teL  tits,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  used  for  a  cane.    317-7, 

152-12. 

kit  te  seL  tsas  te,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  whip.    317-8. 
kya  teL  tcwe,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  she  heard  it  cry.    135-9. 
kya  teL  tcwu  we  tsu,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  heard  it  cry. 

204-9,  281-11. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.           159 

Conjugation  4. 
Na  iL  tsun,    he  has  just  found. 

Present. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  nautr  tsuii  na  dil  tsun 

2.  nuL  tsuii  naL  tsuii 

3.  naiL  tsuii  na  yaiL  tsuii 
3o.  nail,  tsuii  na  yaiL  tsun 

Impotential. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  do  xo  liii  nauw  tsis  do  xo  liii  nadiltsis 

2.  nuL  tsis  naL  tsis 

3.  na  IL  tsis  na  ya  IL  tsis 
3a.                   naiL  tsis  na  yaiL  tsis 

Imperative. 

Singular.  Plural. 

2.  nuLtsis  naL  tsis 

3.  natcoLtsis  nayatcoLtsis 
3a.  naoLtsis                                    nayaoLtsis 

Customary. 

Singular.  Plural. 

1.  naimctsis  na  it  dil  tsis 

2.  naiLtsis  naoLtsis 

3.  naiLtsis  na  yaiL  tsis 
3a.  naiiLtsis  nayaiiLtsis 

Past. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  nauifltsan  nadiltsan 

2.  nuLtsan  naLtsan 

3.  naiLtsan  nayaiLtsan 
3a.  naiL  tsan  na  yaiL  tsan 

Two  roots,   possibly  related,  appear  in  the  example  given 
above. 

aiLenka,    past  3  sing.,  the  way  they  do  it.     227-2. 


160  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

aiLinneen,    pres.  3  sing.,  they  used  to  chase.     322-5. 

aiLinte,    fut.  3  sing.,  they  will  do.     266-13. 

ai  ML  in  te,    fut.  3  sing.,  when  it  happens.    217-6. 

adeii>kit,    past  3  sing.,  he  took  with  himself.    270-7. 

a  de  XOL  kit,  past  3  sing.,  she  caught  against  herself. 
223-14. 

a  diL  ML,    imp.  2  sing.,  take  it  with  you.    356-16. 

adoiuw;tsan,    past  1  sing.,  I  didn't  find  it.    243-16. 

aduwkit,    past  1  sing.,  to  myself  I  held.    353-6. 

akiLen,     what  they  do.     322-1. 

iuwtsan,    past  1  sing.,  I  found.    286-6. 

iuMrtsun,    pres.  1  sing.,  (I  wish)  I  could  see.    336-9. 

iuu1  tsiin  te,    fut.  1  sing.,  where  am  I  going  to  find?  244-7. 

oLtsaine,    imp.  2  plu.,  dry  them.    101-4. 

ya  IL  kit  te,    fut.  3  plu.,  they  were  going  to  catch.    102-2. 

ya  XOL  tsan,    past  3  plu.,  they  saw  him.    101-16. 

yo  XOL  tsan  nei,     past  3a  sing.,  it  saw  him.     204-4. 

ma  a  IOL  en  ne  en,     pres.  3  sing.,  their  doings.     361-11. 

naiLtsan,    past  3  sing.,  he  found  signs.     185-11. 

naiLkitdei,    past  3  sing.,  he  caught  it.    152-6. 

nai  XOL  tsan  ne  te,    fut.  3a  sing.,  it  will  find  him.    307-13. 

na  ya  XOL  tsan,     past  3  sing.,  he  found  them.    267-15. 

na  hwoL  tsan,    past  2  plu.,  you  found  me.    230-5. 

xa  ai  ya  XOL  in  °x,  pres.  3a  plu.,  they  did  that  with  him. 
211-5. 

xa  aiLinte,    fut.  3  sing.,  that  will  be  done.    203-8. 

xa  a  ya  IL  in  ax,    pres.  3  plu.,  they  did  that.    105-10. 

xa  a  ML  in  te,    fut.  3  sing.,  that  way  they  will  do.     211-15. 

xowtsan,    past  1  sing.,  I  saw  him.    351-9. 

xowtsis,    past  1  sing.,  I  saw  him.    353-3. 

xwaiLkit,    past  3  sing.,  she  gave  him.    98-11. 

siLtunflx,    pres.  3a  sing.,  it  lay.     266-8. 

siL  kyos,    pres.  3«  sing.,  it  lies.    207-6. 

do  na  ya  XOL  tsan  nei,  past  3  plu.,  they  did  not  see  him. 
152-6. 

dotciLtsan,    past  3  sing.,  he  found  nothing.    317-10. 

do  iL  tsun te  xo  lun,  fut.  2  sing.,  you  can't  find  it  any 
where.  246-6. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Jlupa  Language.  161 

do  yak  tsan,    past  3  phi.,  they  did  not  see.    98-7. 
ddya  xdi.  tsan,    past  3  sing.,  ho  did  not  see  (them).  238-14. 
ddyiLtsia,    past  3a  sin?.,  it  saw  (nobody).    117-15,  141-9. 
do  mi  IL  tsan,    past  3  sin  jr.,  she  did  not  find  again.    243-16. 
do  na  ii.  tsun  de,     pres.    3   sing.,   they   won't   find    again. 

321-10. 

do  na  ya  iL  tsis,    past  3  phi.,  they  never  saw.    191-5. 
do  na  XOL  tsun  flx  xo  liin,     pres.  2  phi.,  you  won't  see  him 

any  more.    306-fi. 

do  he  ya  ir.  kit,    past  3  pin.,  they  did  not  catch.    102-3. 
do  he  tcii.  tsan,    past  3  sing.,  nothing  he  saw.    363-4. 
ddxdlin    tcktsis,    impot.  3  sing.,  he  will  not  see.   317-13. 
do  xd  lin  nai.  tsis,  impot.  2  phi.,  never  you  will  see.  361-11. 
ddtcii.  tsan,    past  3  sing.,  she  could  not  find.    159-4. 
ddtcii.  tsis,    past  3  sing.,  she  did  not  see.    286-3. 
do  ted  XOL  tsis,    past  3  sing.,  he  saw  no  one.    238-8. 
tee  XOL  kit,    past  3  sing.,  he  caught  him.    143-9. 
tciLtsan,    past  3  sing.,  she  gave  birth  (found).    189-7. 
tciLtsannei,    past  3  sing.,  she  saw.    242-4. 
tciLkit,    past  3  sing.,  he  took  hold.     106-16. 
ted  XOL  kit,    past  3  sing.,  he  caught  him.    151-2. 
tcu  hjriL  kin  ne  en,     past  3  sing.,   he  nearly  caught   me. 

176-14. 

CLASS  III. 

Conjugation  1. 
Ya  de  qdt,    he  is  dodging. 

Present  Indefinite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  yautfldeqdt  yadukqdt 

2.  yundeqdt  yadeqdt 

3.  ya  de  qdt  ya  ya  de  qdt 
3a.  yadukqdt  ya  yadukqdt 

Impotential. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  do  xd  lin  yautr  de  qdt  do  xd  lin  ya  duk  qdt 

2.  yiin  de  qdt  ya  de  qdt 

3.  ya  de  qdt  ya  ya  de  qdt 
3a.                   ya  duk  qdt  ya  ya  duk  qdt 


162 


University  of  California  Publications.  [A:M:-  ARCH.  ETH. 


Singular. 

2.  yiin  de  qot 

3.  yatcodeqot 
3a.  ya  ode  qot 

Singular. 

1.  yaiuw/'deqot 

2.  ya  hide  qot 

3.  yaitqot 
3a.  yaitqot 

Singular. 

1.  yautc  de  qot 

2.  yandeqot 

3.  y a  wit  qot 
3a.  yatqot 

Singular. 

1.  yauw  de  qot 

2.  yan  de  qot 

3.  ya  wit  qot 
3a.  yatqot 


Imperative. 

Plural, 
ya  de  qot 
ya  ya  tco  de  qot 
ya  ya  6  de  qot 

Customary. 

Plural, 
ya  it  de  qot 
ya  6  de  qot 
ya  ya  it  qot 
ya  ya  it  qot 

Present  Definite. 
Plural. 

ya  wit  de  qot 
ya  wo  de  qot 
ya  ya  wit  qot 
ya  yat  qot 

Past  Definite. 

Plural. 

ya  wit  de  qot 
ya  wo  de  qot 
ya  ya  wit  qot 
ya  yat  qot 


The  verbs  which  belong  to  this  class,  as  has  been  said  above, 
are  of  two  kinds;  those  which  have  roots  which  do  not  occur 
without  the  preceding  dental,  which  characterizes  the  class;  and 
those  which  take  the  dental  because  of  the  preceding  prefix  na- 
with  the  iterative  force.  The  conjugations  of  this  class  are 
peculiar  in  that  they  have  the  sign  of  the  first  person  singular 
-uw  in  the  definite  tenses  instead  of  e  which  occurs  in  these 
tenses  in  the  preceding  classes,  and  also  in  the  third  person  of 
several  tenses  where  the  syllable  de  becomes  a  t  which  is 
appended  to  the  preceding  syllable  instead  of  standing  alone 
The  first  person  plural  lacks  its  characteristic  syllable  beginning 
with  d. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  163 

in  ta  na  wit  yai,    past  def .  3  sing.,  he  turned  back.    102-12. 
intana  wityate,     fut.  def.  3  sin?:.,  he  would  turn  back. 

187-4. 

yaitqot,    cust.  3a  sing.,  it  always  dodged.     286-11. 
ya  wit  xus  sil  lei,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  flew  up.    294-15. 
ya  wit  qot,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  tumbled.     118-15. 
yanaitxiis,    cust.  3  sing.,  it  kept  flying  up.    113-1. 
ya  na  wit  qot,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  jumped.    329-15. 
yanatxutsei,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  he  flew  away.    113-10. 
ya  nat  dje  u,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  they  came  back  up.  301-15 
yatmillei,    past  def.  3a  plu.,  they  fell  back.    165-11. 
vat  qot,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  dodged.    286-10. 
ye  wit  dje  u,    past  def.  3  sing.,  they  went  in.     299-14. 
ye  wit  kait,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  they  went  in.     140-1. 
ye  wit  kai  te,    fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  a  boat  will  come.    209-3. 
ye  wit  kait  din,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  the  landing  place.  140-2 
ye  wit  qot,     past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  fell.     136-3. 
yenaitdauir,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  went  back  in.    288-6. 
ye  na  wit  yai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  went  in.    98-15. 
ye  na  wit  ya  hit,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  when  he  went  in.  118-6. 
ye  na  wityate,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  she  will  go  in.    311-15. 
yl  kyu  wit  tsos  sil,     past  def.  3a  sing.,  they  were  sucking. 

325-5. 
yo  du  wit  xul  Hi,  te,     fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  they  will  ask  for. 

296-3. 

nai  wit  in  il,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  she  looked.    243-5. 
na  5  dfur  de  xut,    pres.  1  sing.,  I  ask  you  for  it.    296-10. 
na  ya  wit  dil,    past  def.  3  plu..  they  went  along.    172-1. 
na  wit  xus  ir.,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  he  is  falling.     152-5. 
na  wit  xus  sil,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  he  flew  along  back.  204-7. 
nawitdal,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  went.    223-12. 
na  wit  dal  lit,     pres.   def.   3  sing.,  when   he  was   coming 

along.     100-17. 

na  wit  dal  hit.    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  when  he  came  back.  223-7 
nawitdaL,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  he  was  coming  back.    152-7. 
na  wit  qot,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  tumbled.    118-17. 
nanaitdauir,     cust.  3a  sing.,  it  had  gone  down.     104-10. 
na  na  wit  yai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  came  down.    138-15. 


164  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

na  na  wit  xuts,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  flew  back  down.  114-2. 
na  na  wit  diL  te,     fut.  def.  3  plu.,  people  will  live  again. 

236-3. 
nanatyai,     past  def.  3a  sing.,  the  sun  had  gone  down. 

202-9. 

nin  su  wit  deL,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  danced.    366-1. 
h&'a  na  na  wit  daL  din,     pres.  def.  3  sing.,  in  the  evening 

(when  the  sun  had  gone  down). 
h«;e  de  ai  ye  nat  yai,     past  def.  3a  sing.,  my  head  it  came 

to.    356-15. 

xawitqot,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  jumped.    329-13. 
xe  e  ya  xo  wit  meL,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  had  thrown  away 

part  of  themselves.     181-9. 

xoLtcu  witdil,    past  def.  3  plu.,  those  following  him.  208-1 
xot  da  na  wit  xuts,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  fell  back.    152-3. 
dawitqottsu,    pres.  3a  sing.,  it  tumbling  about  she  heard. 

136-3. 

da  na  du  wit  ya  yei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  it  went  back.  234-4. 
danatlale,    pres.  def.  3a  sing.,  it  floating.     243-13. 
da  nat  xuts  tse,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  lit  on.    204-8. 
da  na  kit  du  wit  tee  ii,  te,     fut.  def.  3  sing.,  the  wind  will 

blow  gently.    273-1. 
do  ye  na  wit  yai,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  did  not  come  in. 

238-12. 

djetwaL,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  opened.     281-17. 
tai  win  nun  ii,  de,1     pres.  def.  3  sing.,  if  he  drinks  water. 

338-7. 

tai  din  nun,    pres.  1  plu.,  let  us  drink  water.    179-3. 
tauw-  din  nun  te,    fut.  1  sing.,  I  am  going  to  have  a  drink. 

111-13. 

ta  \\dn  nan,1  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  drank  it.    337-7. 
ta  nai  win  nun  de,1    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  if  he  drinks.    337-16. 
ta  nai  Man  nun  te,3    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  he  will  drink.    337-18. 
tan  din  nan,    past  def.  2  sing.,  you  drank.    337-12. 
tewitqotte,     fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  in  the  water  it  seemed 

about  to  tumble.    286-13. 


3These  words  change   t   to   n   before  the  root. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  165 

tcuwittil,    past  def.  3  sin":.,  she  was  holding  up.    246-12. 
ke  it  mil  lei,    oust.  3  phi.,  they  drop.     180-14. 
kyuwittceil,    past  def.  3  sing.,  it  blew  along.    324-7. 

Conjugation  2. 
Na  nit  aiur,    he  is  bringing  back. 

Present  Indefinite. 

Singular.  Plural. 

1.  nauirdeauir  nanedeaiur 

2.  nan  de  aiur  na  no  de  aiur 

3.  nanitaujr  naya  nit  aiur 
3a.  nai  nit  aiur  na  yai  nit  aiur 

Impotential. 

Singular.  I'iural. 

1.  do  xo  lin  nauw  de  aiur  do  xo  lifi  na  ne  de  auw 

nandeaiur  iianodeauir 

ua  nit  aiur  na  ya  nit  auw 

3a.  nai  nit  au/r  na  yai  nit  auic 

Imperative. 
Singular.  Plural. 

2.  nandeau/r  na  node  aiur 

3.  nauodeauu-  nayanodeau/r 
3a.  nai  no  de  aiur                              na  yai  no  de  au»r 

Customary. 

Singular.  Plural. 

1.  na  ne  imp  de  au  tf  na  nee  de  aiur 

2.  naneindeaiur  na  no  ode  aiur 

3.  naneitdeaiur  nayaneitaiur 
3o.  nai  ne  it  de  aiur  na  yai  ne  it  auw 

Present  Definite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  naiucdeuii  nanedeufi 

2.  nan  de  ufi  na  no  de  un 

3.  na  in  de  un  na  ya  in  de  un 
3o.  nai  iiin  de  uii  ua  yai  nin  de  un 


166  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

Past  Definite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  nauw?  de  an  na  ne  de  an 

2.  nan  dean  nan5dean 

3.  na  in  dean  nayaindean 
3«.  nai  nin  de  an  na  yai  nin  de  an 

That  the  verbs  listed  below  correspond  to  those  constituting 
the  second  conjugation  in  the  first  two  classes  is  evident;  first, 
from  the  prefixes  which  occur  with  them,  second  on  account  of 
the  meaning  which  indicates  the  completion  of  the  act,  and  third 
from  the  fact  that  the  n  which  characterizes  the  second  conju 
gation  appears  in  most  cases  but  not  in  the  form  and  position 
obtaining  in  the  preceding  classes.  In  the  third  person  of  the 
past  definite,  for  instance,  na  nin  de  an,  or  na  nit  an,  would 
be  the  form  expected  from  analogy  with  conjugation  first  of  this 
class  and  the  second  conjugation  of  the  other  classes.  That  the 
form  na  in  de  an  is  the  one  which  occurs  in  all  cases  seems  to 
be  due  to  some  phonetic  causes  not  now  apparent. 

yu  wun  dim  mil  lei,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  went  through 

211-5. 

wun  dim  mil,    pres.  3a  sing.,  it  going  through.    144-3. 
wun  dim  mil  lei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  it  went  through.  144-2. 
Le  nai  yun  dil  la  te,     fut.  def.  1  plu.,  we  will  keep  a  fire 

burning.     169-6. 
LC  na  in  di  yai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  completed  the  circuit. 

220-8. 
Le  na  in  di  ya  te,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  he  got  nearly  around. 

220-6. 

Le  na  it  dauw,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  used  to  make  rounds.  336-7 
Le  nauw  dil  la,    pres.  1  sing.,  I  have  a  fire.    351-6. 
Le  nun  du  waL,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  shut.     108-16. 
Lin  duk  kait  de,     past  def.   3a  sing.,  they  slid  together. 

295-2. 

me  nun  di  yai,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  years.    145-7. 
na  in  de  an,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  brought.    365-17. 
na  in  di  yai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  got  back.    121-16. 
na  in  di  ya  yei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  came  back.    98-6. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Ihipa  Language.          167 

na  in  di  ya  din,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  he  got  back  place.  142-5. 
naindikgit,     past  def.  3a  sing.,  they  came  back.     299-9. 
nawrdlyai,    past  def.  1  sing.,  I  have  come.    145-10. 
na  ne  it  wuir,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  used  to  carry  it  back.  237-8. 
naneitdaiur,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  used  to  come  back.    137-1. 
na  ne  it  git,    cust.  3  sing.,  they  came  back.    233-5. 
nanodlya,    imp.  3  sing.,  let  it  come  back.    233-5. 
natindiyane,    imp.  2  sing.,  go  home.    337-18. 
no  na  in  di  tsu,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  rolled.     121-8. 
no  na  in  diik  qot,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  reached  by  jump 
ing.    329-18. 

nonaitdjeu,    cust,  3  sing.,  they  came  back.     299-10. 
no  na  it  tse,    cust.  3  sing.,  she  always  shut  the  door.    158-1. 
no  nan  dit  dje  u,    past  def.  3  sing.,  they  got  back.    301-15. 
nonundexen,     past  def.  3  sing.,  they  floated  to  shore. 

216-6. 

non  di  van,     past  def.  3ff  sing.,  one  was  left.     118-11. 
nonundlyate,     fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  in  one  place  they  will 

stay.     259-17. 

no  nun  dil  lat,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  got  back.    246-2. 
no  nun  dim  mil,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  fell  back.    151-18. 
non  de  mil,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  fell.    143-8. 
nondeqotei,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  stopped.    287-2. 
non  dik  kil  lei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  that  far  he  split  it.  210-2. 
nundiyate,    fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  it  will  come  back.    307-9. 
nun  duk  qotc  tsu,     pres.  def.  3a  sing.,  he  heard  him  lope 

back.    175-9. 
XOL  Le  nun  dil  lat,  past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  floated  with  him. 

315-5. 
XOL  Le  nun  du  waL  ei,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  with  him  it  shut. 

109-5. 
XOL  me  nun  dil  lat  dei,     past    def.  3a    sing.,    with    him  it 

floated  back.     315-6. 
donaindiyai,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  did  not  come  back. 

306-2. 

tee  in  de  git,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  they  ran  down.     153-16. 
tee  na  in  di  yai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  went  out.    153-11. 
tee  na  in  di  ya  hit,  pres.  def.  3  sing.,  when  she  went  down. 

325-8. 


168 


University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 


tcin  duk  kait  dei,     past  def.  3a  sing.,  they  came  down  to. 

158-16. 
tcin  duk  qot  ei,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  tumbled.     135-12. 

Conjugation  3. 
Na  de  qot,    he  is  tumbling  about. 


Singular. 

1.  name  de  qot 

2.  nun  de  qot 

3.  nadeqot 
3a.  na  duk  qot 


Present  Indefinite. 
Plural. 

na  duk  qot 
na  de  qot 
na  ya  de  qot 
nayadukqot 


Impotential. 


Singular. 

1.  do  xo  lin  name  de  qot 

2.  nun  de  qot 

3.  na  de  qot 
3a.  na  duk  qot 

Singular. 

2.  nun  de  qot 

3.  na  tco  de  qot 
3a.  na  ode  qot 

Singular. 

1.  na  iuw  de  qot 

2.  naindeqot 

3.  naitqot 
3a.  na  it  qot 


Plural. 

do  xo  lin  na  duk  qot 
na  de  qot 
na  ya  de  qot 
na  ya  duk  qot 

Imperative. 

Plural, 
na  de  qot 
na  ya  tco  de  qot 
na  ya  6  de  qot 

Customary. 

Plural, 
iia  it  de  qot 
na  6  de  qot 
na  ya  it  qot 
na  ya  it  qot 


Singular. 

1.  nas  duk  qot 

2.  na  sin  de  qot 

3.  na  is  de  qot 
3a.  uas  duk  qot 


Present  Definite. 
Plural. 

na  se  de  qot 
na  so  de  qdt 
na  ya  is  de  qot 
na  yas  de  qot 


VOL.  3]    Ooddard. — Morphology  of  the  llupa  Language.  169 

Past  Definite. 

Singular.  Plural. 

1 .  nas  duk  qot  mi  se  de  qot 

2.  na  sin  de  qot  na  so  de  qot 

3.  na  is  de  qot  na  ya  is  de  qot 
3«.  nas  dnk  qot  na  yas  de  qot 

The  noteworthy  fact  in  the  preceding  paradigm  is  the  lack, 
in  the  first  person  singular  of  the  definite  tenses,  of  either  of  the 
usual  signs  for  that  person  and  number.  If  the  sign  has  been 
that  usual  in  the  definite  tenses  e,  there  is  no  apparent  reason 
for  its  disappearance;  but  if  it  was  fur,  as  is  found  in  the 
other  conjugations  of  this  class,  two  spirants  would  stand  to 
gether,  presenting  a  difficult  combination  even  for  an  Athapascan 
tongue. 

in  na  ifur  duk  kai.     cust.  1  sing..  I  always  get  up.     241-1. 

in  na  is  duk  ka,     past  def.  3  sing.,  she  got  up.     110-14. 

in  nas  duk  kaei,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  got  up.     114-16. 

in  nas  duk  ka  hit,     pres.  3a  sing.,  when  he  got  up.     115-8. 

yu  wun  na  naisdim  mit,  past  def.  3a  sing.,  she  turned 
over.  117-4. 

me  na  is  dl  yai,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  climbed.     103-12. 

min  na  nase  it  davur,  cust.  3  sing.,  he  always  went  around. 
346-3. 

naisdiLLat,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  ran.     185-6. 

na  is  din  nan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  turned.    278-11. 

na  ya  is  dil  len  ei,     past  def.  3  plu.,  they  became.     166-13. 

na  ya  nu  wes  dil  lai,  past  def.  3  plu.,  they  took  the  bet. 
142-17. 

na  na  is  dits  tse,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  turned  it  around. 
314-6. 

na  ne  wes  dil  lai,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  won.     211-6. 

nadesdukqot,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  rolled  around.  175-12, 
222-9. 

uatesdiyai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  went  home.    97-17. 

na  tes  dl  ya  yei,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  arrived.     104-3. 

nates dlyate,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  go  back.    117-14. 

xa  na  is  dl  yai,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  came  back  up.     100-2. 

AM.  AKCH.  KTH.  3,  12. 


170  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

xa  na  is  di  ya  hit,     pres.  def.  3  sing.,  when  he  came  up. 

210-12. 

xa  na  is  di  ya  de,  pres.  def.  3  sing1.,  if  she  comes  up.  111-6. 
xa  na  is  diL  Lat,  past  def.  3  sing.,  she  had  run  up.  135-13. 
xon  na  is  din  nun  hit,  pres.  def.  3  sing.,  when  he  turned 

around.    278-12. 

do  na  xos  dil  le  te,  fut.  def.  3  sing.,  it  will  be  no  more.  228-4 
do  nas  dil  len  nei,  past  def.  3  sing.,  it  did  not  happen. 

117-5. 
tanaisdiyai,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  came  out  of  it  again. 

314-6. 

tsisdiyan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  was  old.     169-2. 
tcis  di  yan  ne  te,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  she  may  live  to  be  old. 

325-13. 

CLASS  IV. 

Conjugation  1. 
Na  il  yeuw;,    he  is  resting. 

Present  Indefinite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  nauwyeuM;  nadilyeuw 

2.  nulyeuw;  naLyeuw 

3.  na  il  yeun;  na  ya  il  yeuw 
3a.  nal  yeuw?  na  yal  yeuw 

Impotential. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  do  xo  lifi  name  yeuw  do  xo  liii  na  dil  yeuw 

nul  yeiiM?  naL  yeuw 

3.  na  il  yeuw  na  ya  il  yeuiv 

3«.  nal  yeuw?  na  yal  yeuw 

Imperative. 
Singular.  Plural. 

2.  nulyeuM-  naLyeuw; 

3.  natcolyeme  nayatcolyeme 
3a.  naolyeuw-                                  nayadlyeuw 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  171 


Singular. 

1.  naiutr  yeutr 

2.  nailyeuir 

3.  na  il  yeutr 
3a.  na  il  yeuic 


Singular. 

1.  nauwyeutr 

2.  nal  yeutr 

3.  nawilyeutc 
3a. 


Singular. 

1.  nautcyeutr 

2.  nal  yeutr 

3.  nawil  yeutr 
3a.  nalyeutr 


Customary. 

Plural. 

na  it  dil  yefur 
naoLyeutc 
na  ya  il  yeutr 
nayail  yeutr 

Present  Definite. 

Plural. 

na  wit  dil  yeutr 
na  wdLyeutc 
na  ya  wil  yeutr 
na  yal  yeutr 

Past  Definite. 
Plural. 

na  wit  dil  yeutr 
na  woi,  yeutr 
naya  wily  eut0 
na  yal  yeutr 


The  forms  of  the  verbs  composing  Class  IV  are  perfect  ana 
logs  of  those  in  Class  II,  the  voiced  1  appearing  in  the  place 
of  the  surd  i.,  except  in  the  second  person  plural  throughout, 
where  L  is  found  instead  of  1.  This  exception  is  no  doubt  due 
to  the  strongly  aspirated  6  which,  as  the  sign  of  this  person 
and  number,  stands  before  the  L  and  in  the  same  syllable 
with  it. 

In  almost  every  case,  the  roots  occurring  in  the  verbs  of  this 
class  do  not  appear  in  other  classes  but  seem  to  demand  the  pre 
ceding  1.  Since  this  1  stands  immediately  before  the  root, 
phonetic  reasons  were  sought  for  the  occurrence  of  this  class.  No 
facts  appear  to  justify  such  a  conclusion,  and  analogy  with  the 
passive  forms  point  to  morphological  causes. 

ya  wil  ton,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  jumped  up.    165-9. 

yal  ton  ei,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  jumped  off.    163-18. 

ya  kyu  wil  kyart  nexolan,     past  def.   3   phi.,  they  found 
they  were  pregnant.    278-3. 


172  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

ye  e  il  ton  xo  Ian,  cust.  3a  sing.,  (birds)  used  to  jump  in. 

117-17. 

yenawiliat,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  ran  in.     136-1,  169-9. 
ye  na  wil  de  ton,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  jumped  in.    135-11. 
ye  nal  Lat,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  ran  in.    329-8. 
ye  nu  wil  gil  HI,     past  def.  3  sing.,  it  kept  getting  afraid 

of.    235-4. 

yin  nel  git,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  he  was  afraid.    114-16. 
yinnenalLat,     past  def.  3a  sing.,  in  the  ground  it  ran. 

221-12. 

wunnaxoilyu,    cust.  3a  sing.,  they  come  to  eat  it.  356-12. 
wut  na  ya  xo  wil  yan,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  watched  him. 

267-10. 

LinxowiHen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  h,e  addressed  her.    98-10. 
LU  win£en,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  addressed  her.    181-9. 
me  ya  du  wil  wauw?,     past  def.  3  plu.,  they  began  to  talk 

about  it.    265-1. 

min  na  il  dal,    cust.  3  sing.,  she  ran  around.     153-2. 
nailtsit,    cust.  3  sing.,  it  falls.    275-3. 
nailtsitte,    fut.  3  sing.,  would  drop.    104-11. 
nawilyeuw,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  rested.    119-14. 
nawildittal,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  ran.    221-7. 
naliuitfte,    fut.  3a  sing.,  it  will  drop.     115-13. 
nal  hwin  te,    fut.  3a  sing.,  it  will  melt  away.    273-6. 
nalditdal,     past  def.  3  sing.,   (he  saw)  it  coming  along. 

115-15. 

naltsit,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  fell  down.    145-2. 
naLyeuir,    imp.  2  plu.,  rest.     280-5. 
na  na  wil  La  dei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  ran  down.    221-17. 
nanaldeiuw,     pres.  def.  3a  sing.,   (water)   dripping  off. 

337-5. 

na  nal  dit  tsit  din,    pres.  def.  3a  sing.,  where  it  fell.    96-4. 
na  xo  wil  tsit  xo  lufi,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  it  fell.    306-15. 
na  xo  de  il  en,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  watched  him.    202-5. 
na  du  wil  dit  ton,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  jumped  off.  107-14. 
na  du  wil  ye,    past  def.  3  sing.,  they  danced  again.  215-13. 
na  tcil  yeiiM?  sa  an  din,     pres.   3   sing.,   the   resting   place. 
363-3. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          173 

natcil  yeuirdiii,    pres.  3  sing.,  resting  place.    347-3. 

ne  iu/r  git  tse,    pres.  1  sing.,  I  feel  afraid.     176-5. 

niil  diL  Lat,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  he  ran  back.    115-16. 

xe  e  na  wil  Lat,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  ran  away  again.  176-16 

xowil  uit,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  ran.    199-4. 

xoLwildal,     past  def.  3a  sing.,  with  him  it  came  along. 

115-1. 
xdi.ta  na  wil  i.at.    past  def.  3  sing.,  with  him  she  went. 

223-14. 

da  wil  i.at,     past  def.  3o  sing.,  it  jumped  on.     113-14. 
da  wil  ton  ei,    past  def.  3«  sing.,  it  jumped.    115-9. 
dana  du  wil  i.at.    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  ran  back.     97-12. 

98-15. 

dadeilya.    cust.,3  sing.,  they  stand  around.     195-7. 
da  tcit  du  wil  i.at,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  ran.    164-2. 
da'tcu  wil  ton,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  jumped.     109-14. 
do  nil  git  he  ne,    imp.  2  sing.,  don't  be  afraid.     170-15. 
do  xwe  xd  yiin  te,    f ut.  def.  3  sing.,  he  will  be  crazy.  307-10 
tewiltsit,     past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  sank.     153-17. 
te  nal  clit  do  te.    fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  it  will  draw  back.  273-5. 
tenadeilya,    oust.  3  sing.,  in  the  water  they  stand.  310-4. 
tee  il  La  de,    pres.  3  sing.,  he  is  running  along.     220-13. 
tcinnel  git.    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  was  afraid  of.    192-2. 
tcitdilye,    pres.  3  sing.,  to  dance.    117-8. 
tcit  dil  ye  flx,    pres.  3  sing.,  they  danced.    216-7. 
tcit  dil  ye  te.    fut.  3  sing.,  there  will  be  a  dance.    203-8. 
tcit  dil  wauir  tsii,    pres.  3  sing.,  talking  he  heard.     170-16. 
tcit  du  wil  ye  ei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  they  danced.     216-16. 
tcit  du  wil  yel  ii.  de,  pres.  def.  3  sing.,  if  they  dance.  117-10 
tcit  du  wil  ye  ii.te,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  they  will  dance.  117-9 
tcit  du  wil  ye  lii,  te,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  there  will  be  a  dance. 

230-5. 

tcit  du  wil  i.at,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  jumped  off.     107-11. 
tcu  wil  daL  tsu,     pres.  def.  3  sing.,  he  heard  him  coming. 

176-11. 
kya  tu  wil  tcwel,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  crying  along.  135-10 


174  University  of  California  Publications.  LAM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

Verbs  belonging  to  Class  IV,  Conjugation  2. 

min  na  il  dal,    cust.  3  sing.,  around  she  ran.    153-2. 

no  il  La,    pres.  3  sing.,  he  came  running  (she  heard).  360-8 

no  din  nil  tcwan,     past  def.  3  sing.,  they  finished  supper. 

141-4. 

tceilLat,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  jumped  out.    106-2. 
tee  il  qol  e  xo  Ian,     past  def.  3  sing.,  it  had  crawled  out. 

185-11. 

tcenailLat,  past  def.  3  sing.,  she  came  there.  135-9. 
tcetcilton,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  jumped  out.  163-16. 
tcin  nil  qol  ei,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  crawled.  347-9. 

Conjugation  3. 
Na  dil  ifi,    he  is  watching  for  it. 

Present  Indefinite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  na  dmv  in  na  dit  dil  in 

2.  nadilin  nadoLiii 

3.  nadilin  nay  a  dil  in 
3d.  nai  dil  in  na  yai  dil  in 

Impotential. 

Singular.  Plural. 

1.  doxolin  naduw?en  doxolin  na  dit  dil  en 

2.  na  dil  en  na  doL  en 

3.  na  dil  en  na  ya  dil  en 
3a.                  nai  dil  en                                    na  yai  dil  en 

Imperative. 
Singular.  Plural. 

2.  na  dil  in  na  doL  in 

3.  nadolin  nayadolin 
3a.  naidolin  nayaidolin 

Customary. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  na  de  iuw?  en  na  de  it  dil  en 

2.  na  de  il  en  na  do  OL  en 

3.  nadeilen  nayadeilen 
3a.  naideilen  nayaideilen 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  175 

Present  Definite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  na  du  wes  in  na  du  wcs  dil  in 

2.  na  du  we  sil  ifi  na  du  we  sol.  i n 

3.  na  du  wes  in  nayadiiwesin 
3a.  naiduwesin  na  yai  du  wes  in 

Past  Definite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  naduwesen  na  du  wes  dil  en 

2.  na  du  we  sil  en  na  du  we  SOL  en 

3.  na  du  wes  en  na  ya  du  wes  en 
3a.  nai  du  wes  en  na  yai  du  wes  en 

As  in  the  third  conjugation  of  the  preceding  class  the  first 
person  singular  of  the  definite  tenses  has  a  form  without  the 
usual  signs  found  in  that  person  and  number. 

a  nu  wes  te,    past  def .  3a  sing.,  he  looked.     143-14. 

iuif  yo,    pres.  1  sing.,  I  like.    230-16. 

in  nas  i.at,     past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  ran  up.     295-5. 

in  na  tcis  Lat,     past  def.  3  sing.,  he  jumped  up.     171-9. 

yenesgit,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  (was)  frightened.    215-4. 

yenesgitte,    fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  it  will  be  afraid.     236-2. 

yit  du  wes  yo  te,    fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  it  will  like.     311-10. 

yu  wun  na  xos  yu,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  they  ate.    347-15. 

wes  sil  yo  ne  en,    pres.  def.  2  sing.,  you  used  to  like.  307-16. 

wunnaxoilyu,    cust.  3  sing.,  they  come  to  eat  it.    356-12. 

wun  na  xos  yu,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  went  to  eat.    364-8. 

meisLadei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  ran  up.     217-16. 

me  ya  dzes  la,  past  def.  3  plu.,  they  did  not  like  him. 
182-4. 

me  dzes  la,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  hated  it.     189-6. 

mi  nes  git,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  was  afraid.    295-4. 

mi  nes  git  te,    fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  it  will  be  afraid.    296-5. 

minesgittei.,    fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  it  will  be  afraid.    295-7. 

na  xot  du  wes  in  te,  fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  am  going  to  watch 
her.  137-3. 

nas  qol,  past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  crawled  around.     294-1. 


176  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  ETH. 

neiuwgittse,     pres.  1  sing.,  I  feel  afraid.     176-5. 

nesnoi,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  that  stand.     220-3. 

hai  da  tcu  wes  yo,     past  def.   3  sing.,  more  yet  he  likes. 

340-13. 

xa  na  is  dii>  Lat,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  had  run  up.    135-13. 
xoi  na  se  il  de  qol,    cust.  3a  sing.,  on  her  it  kept  crawling. 

185-2. 

xoinesgit,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  was  afraid.    113-11. 
xo  wut  xo  wes  yun  te,     fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  watch  her. 

137-7. 
xo  wut  tcu  xo  wes  yan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  watched  her. 

137-8. 

XOL  xas  tcwen  nei,    past  def.  '3a  sing.,  it  grew  up.    137-18. 
do  a.  wiin  tel  wis  he,     imp.   2  sing.,  don 't    be    frightened. 

356-2. 

do  wes  yd,    pres.  def.  1  sing.,  I  don't  like.    233-6. 
do  nas  do,    pres.  3a  sing.,  they  won't  dodge.    258-13. 
do  nit  dje    tel  tsit  ne,     imp.    2   sing.,    don't   get   excited. 

170-18. 

do  tcu  wes  yo,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  did  not  like.    96-7. 
te  sil  tcwen  ne  dun,    past  def.  2  sing.,  ever  since  you  grew 

time.     337-13. 
tes  tcwin  ne  en  tcin,     pres.    def.    1    sing.,    where    I    was 

brought  up.     117-13. 

til  tsit  flx,    pres.  3a  sing.,  it  will  always  be.    325-13. 
til  tcwen,    pres.  3a  sing.,  it  grows.    296-12. 
til  tcwin  ne  en,     pres.  3a  sing.,  it  used  to  grow.     233-1,  5. 
tol  tcwen,    imp.  3a  sing.,  let  it  grow.     265-6. 
tsiyTLnteild.il,    cust.  3  plu.,  they  always  ran  off.    333-11. 
tee  il  yo,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  liked  it.    202-5. 
tcu  wes  vote,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  he  shall  like.    307-11. 
tcuweswaL,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  lay.     112-16. 
ke  is  Lat,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  ran  up.    158-8. 
kes  Lat  dei,    past  def.  3«  sing.,  he  climbed  up  he  saw.  174-7 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Eupa  Language. 
OBJECTIVE  CONJUGATION. 

First  Person  Singular. 
Yahjrii.  tiiir,    he  is  picking  me  up. 

Present  Indefinite. 
Singular.  Plural. 


177 


2.  ya  hjrii.tuir 

3.  yah/riLtu»r 
3rt.  yaihiriLtfur 

Singular. 

2.  ya  hiriLtuif 

3.  yahiroLtuir 
3o.  yai  hiroL  tuir 

Singular. 


ya  h/roL  tu»r 
ya  ya  hwiL  tuu; 
ya  yai  hirii.  tiiir 

Imperative. 

Plural. 

ya  luroi.  t\nr 
ya  yahtroLtuto 
ya  yai  hwoLtu»r 

Customary'. 

Plural. 


2.  yahrreiLtujr 

3.  yahire  iLtuzr 
3a.  yaihireiLtutr 

Singular. 

1.  - 

2.  ya  hiru  W!L  tin 

3.  yahiriLtin 
3a.  yaihtriLtin 

Singular. 


ya  h/rooi,  tuir 
yaya  h/re  ii.  \\w 
ya  yai 

Present  Definite. 
Plural. 


ya  HM-U  WOL  tin 
yaya .  hiriLtin 
va  vahjriL  tin 


Past  Definite. 

Plural. 


2.  yahiruwiLten  yahjruwoLten 

3.  ya  hiriLten  yaya  hjriLten 
3a.  yai  hw;iL  ten  ya  yai  htriL  ten 

As  will  be  seen  from  the  preceding  example,  the  direct  object 
of  the  verb  is  expressed  by  the  insertion  of  the  personal  pronoun 


178  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

in  its  weak  form.  Its  behavior  is  not  different  in  any  way  from 
that  of  other  weak  syllables  which  may  be  inserted.1  The  position 
of  the  inserted  objective  is  after  the  adverbial  prefix  and  im 
mediately  before  the  signs  of  person  and  number  with  which,  in 
fact,  it  often  forms  a  syllable. 

Verbs  having  the  first  person  singular  as  the  direct  object. 
ahi£6la,    pres.  2  plu.,  you  have  treated  me.     166-12. 
na  hw/oL  tsan,    past  2  plu.,  you  see  me.     230-5. 
hwiLtcwe,    imp.  2  sing.,  make  me.     114-3. 
h«?ik  kyo  wuii,    imp.  3a  sing.,  I  am  going  to  sleep  (let  it 

sleep  me).    121-6. 

tee  hjds  su  wiL  weL  de,    pres.  3  sing.,  if  he  kills  me.  114-3. 
tcu  hwiL  kin  ne  en,    pres.    3   sing,   he   nearly   caught   me. 

176-14. 
tcu  hwo  WIL  xul  HL  te,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  she  will  ask  me 

for  it.    311-17. 

tcu  h«;6  hu~e  IL  te,    fut.  3  sing.,  they  will  call  me.     272-10. 
tcu  hwon  hwe  e  te,      fut.  3  sing.,  they  will  call  me.  272-12. 

Verbs  having  the  first  person  singular  as  the  indirect  object. 
anahwiLtcit  dente,  fut.  3  sing.,  of  me  he  will  say.  363-18. 
a  hwiL  tcin  ne,  pres.  3  sing.,  why  does  she  always  tell 

me?     135-4,  363-16. 

a  b.M?iL  tcit  du  win  neL,    past  3  sing.,  they  told  me.  355-11. 
a  hwnL  tcit  den  hwnin,    pres.    3    sing.,    he    must    tell    me. 

314-11. 
hwenatcoLxe,    imp.  3  sing.,  let  him  catch  up  with  me. 

187-2. 
iL  teL  dauw',    pres.  3a  sing.,    it  would  travel  with  me. 

114-11. 
lL  te  sin  ya  te,    fut.  def.  2  sing.,  with  me  you  may  go. 

187-7. 

lm<iL  tcit  den  te,    fut.  3  sing.,  they  will  talk  to  me.  322-15. 
hwin  na  wil  luw  te,    fut.  2  sing.,  you  will  think  about  me. 

307-18. 
a  nun  auw?>    imp.  2  sing.,  give  me.    329-14. 


1  Compare,  class  ii,  conjugation  Id  supra  p.  147. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language. 


179 


hiroiLkas,    imp.  2  sing.,  throw  me.    153-10. 
hiru  wa  mer.  tcwit  te,    fut.  def.  2  sing.,  loan  me.     296-11. 
h/ru  wamiLtcwit,    imp.  2  sing.,  loan  me.     326-7. 
hjfii  wun  tu«r,    imp.  2  sing.,  hand  me.     278-7. 
dd  a  hiriL  tcit  den  de,    pres.   3   sing.,   if  he  does  not  tell 
me.     257-12. 


1. 

2 

3. 

3a. 


2 

3. 

3a. 


1. 
2 

3. 
3a. 


1. 
2. 

3 
3a 


Second  Person  Singular. 
Yun  ne  tcii.  tuir.    he  is  picking  you  up. 

Present  Indefinite. 

Singular.  Plural. 

yun  nmr  tuir  yun  nit  dil  tutr 


yun  ne  tcii.  tuir 
vun  nii.tutr 


Singular. 

yun  ne  tcoi.  tuw 
yun  noi.  tnw 


Singular, 
yun 


yun  ne  tee  IL  tuw 
vun  ne  IT.  tuw 


Singular, 
yun  neL  tin 


yayunnetciLtuic 
vai  vun  nil.  tuic 


Imperative. 

Plural. 


ya  yun  ne  tcoL  tuw 
yai  yun  noL  tuic 

Customary. 

Plural, 
yun  ne  it  dil  tuiv 


yayunneiLtuic 
ya  yun  ne  ii  tiuc 

Present  Definite. 
Plural, 
vun  nil  wit  dil  tin 


yun  netciLtifi 
yun  nil,  tin 


yayun  netcir,  tin 
yai  yun  niL  tin 


180  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

Past  Definite. 

•» 

Singular.  Plural. 

1.  yun  neL  ten  yun  nu  wit  dil  ten 

2   

3.  yiin  ne  tciL  ten  ya  yun  ne  tciL  ten 

3a.  yunniLten  yaiyiinniLten 

For  some  reason  which  does  not  appear,  the  objective  pro 
noun  of  the  second  person,  unlike  those  of  the  other  persons, 
precedes  instead  of  follows  the  sign  of  the  third  person  singular 
of  the  verb.  Coming  throughout  immediately  after  the  prefix 
ya-,  the  inserted  objective  has  changed  that  prefix  to  yun-.  This 
is  probably  due  to  a  shifting  of  accent. 

Verbs  having  the  second  person  singular  as  the  direct  object. 
nit  tcu  win  yun  de,    3  sing.,  if  she  eats  you.    266-7. 
nikkyowun,    imp.  3  sing.,  go  to  sleep  (let  it  sleep  you). 

294-5. 
nik  kyu  win  nun  te,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  you  will  go  to  sleep. 

252-11. 
xo  lun  ne  SCL  win,    pres.    3    sing.,    it   has   worn    you    out. 

105-16. 

Verbs  having  the  second  person  singular  as  the  indirect  ob 
ject. 

unniLduwne,    pres.  1  sing.,  I  am  telling  you.     351-8. 
un  nil,  den  ne,  past  def.  3  sing.,  I  told  you.     163-8. 
neene sedate,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  hide  from  you. 

328-6. 

niL  hwe  lik  te,    fut.  1  sing.,  I  will  tell  you.     151-3. 
niLxowlik,    pres.  1  sing.,  I  am  telling  you.    360-8. 
niLxotyunte,    fut.  3a  sing.,  it  will  be  easy  for  you  to 

get.     357-7. 

niLxwelikte,    fut.  1  sing.,  I  will  tell  you.    355-4. 
niLteseyate,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  go  with  you.  187-4. 
nu  wa  me  neL  tcwit  te,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  loan  you. 

356-6. 

nu  wa  na  ne  la  te,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  loan  you.  356-7. 
nuwanellate,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  give  it  to  you. 

353-7. 


You  3]    Goddard— Morphology  of  the  llupa  Language.  181 


Third  Person  Ninyular. 
Ya  XOL  tuir,  he  is  picking  him  up. 


Singular. 

1.  ya  xoir  twr 

2.  ya  xoi.  tiiir 

3.  ya  XOL  tii*r 
3a.  yai  XOL  tuir 


Singular. 

2.  ya  xoLtuir 

3.  ya  XOL  tuir 
3a.  yai  XOL  tuir 


Singular. 

1.  ya  xoi  iuir  tuir 

2.  ya  xoi  iL  tutr 

3.  ya  xoi  iL  tuw 
3a.  yai  xoi  iL 


Singular. 

1.  yaxweL  tin 

2.  yaxo  wiLtin 

3.  ya  XOL  tin 
3a.  yai  XOL  tin 


Singular. 

1.  yaxweL  ten 

2.  ya  xo  wiL  ten 

3.  ya  XOL  ten 
3a.  yai  XOL  ten 


Present  Indefinite. 

Plural. 

yaxotdil  tu»r 
ya  XOL  tutr 
yaya  xoLtu/r 
yayai  xdLtuir 

Imperative. 

Plural, 
ya  xoi.  tuir 
ya  ya  XOL  tu»r 
ya  yai  XOL  tuir 

Customary. 

Plural. 

ya  xo  it  dil  tuM' 
ya  xo  OL  tuw 
yaya  xoi  ii.tuw 
ya  yai  xoi  ii,  tuir 

Present  Definite. 

Plural. 

ya  xo  wit  dil  tin 
ya  xo  woLtiri 
yaya  XOL  tin 
yayai  XOL  tin 

Past  Definite. 

Plural. 

ya  xo  wit  dil  ten 
ya  xo  WOL  ten 
ya  ya  XOL  ten 
ya  yai  XOL  ten 


182  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

Verbs  having  the  third  person  singular  as  direct  object. 

yaixoiiyan,    cust.  3a.  plu.,  they  always  eat  him.    195-10. 
yai  xos  tcwmr,    past  def .  3a.  plu.,  they  smelled  of  him. 

165-3. 

yaxowiLxaiL,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  tracked  him.  170-5. 
ya  xo  win  tcwai,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  buried  him.  172-4. 
ya  XOL  ten,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  has  taken  him.     151-4. 
ya  XOL  tsan,    past  3  plu.,  they  saw  him.     101-16. 
yaxonneLen,    past   def.    3   plu.,   they    looked    at    him. 

278-3. 

ya  xo  seL  wen,    past  def.,  3  plu.,  they  killed  him.  171-12. 
yaxosiLwe,    pres.  3  plu.,  they  might  kill  him.     278-5. 
yaxosmeL,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  whipped  him.     164-3- 
yenaxoLwaL,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  threw  him.     106-13. 
yexdneii.ye,    cust.   3a  sing.,   they   always   eat  him  up. 

195-10. 

yd  XOL  tsan  nei,    past  3a  sing.,  it  saw  him.     204-4. 
iia  xo  win  htcaL,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  hooked  him.     107-6. 
miLnaxo  WIL  we,    past   def.,    3a    sing.,    he    felt    sleepy 

(sleep   fought  with  him).     121-5. 

rnii,  xoi  nil.  xe,    past  def.  3  sing.,  it  went  on  him.     308-8. 
naixoiiL^au,    cust.  3  sing.,  it  flew  around  her.     333-8. 
nai  xoi  iL  tcwe  ei,    cust.  3a  sing.,  they  make  him.     196-6. 
nai  XOL  tsan  ne  te,    fut.  3a  sing.,  it  will  find  him.     307-13. 
naixonnuwiLhwon,    past  def.   3a  sing.,  it    cured    him. 

121-13. 

na  yai  xoi  iL  tcwe,    cust.  3a  plu.,  they  make  him.     196-3. 
na  yai  xoi  IL  tcwo  ig,    cust.    3a   plu.,   they   brush   him   to 
gether.     196-3. 

nayaxoteLxa,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  tracked  him.  170-3. 
na  na  ya  xon  niL  xa  ei,    past  def.   3   plu.,  they   found  his 

tracks.     170-4. 
na  xoi  kyu  win  an,    past   def.   3   sing.,   he  went  to  sleep. 

121-7. 

naxowir.  me,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  bathed  him.     187-12. 
naxodeilen,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  watched  him.     202-5. 
na  xot  du  wes  in  te,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  am  going  to  watch 

her.    137-3. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.         183 

no  na  XOL  tu»r,  pres.  3  sing.,  he  had  laid  her.    342-8. 

no  na  xon  nil.  tin  ne  en,    pres.   def .  3  sing.,  he  caught  up 

with  him.    176-11. 
xa  ai  ya  xdL  in  &x,    pros.  3  pin.,  they  did  that  with  him. 

211-5. 
xaixostennei,    past    def.    3a   sing.,    they    took   her   up. 

239-1. 

xojrtsan,    past  1  sing.,  I  saw  him.     351-9. 
xo»rtsis,    past  1  sing.,  I  saw  him.     353-3. 
xoneLintei,,    fut.   def.    1    sing.,   T    ean't    look    at    him. 

138-12. 

xonneLinte,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  can  look  at  him.    138-14. 
xon  tcwit,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  caught  him.    346-10. 
xo  se  SCL  win  te,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  kill  him.     150-11. 
xosuu'we,    pres.  1  sing.,  let  me  kill  him.     159-8. 
xot  da  na  ya  XOL  xa,    past  def.  3  phi.,  down  they  tracked 

him.     170-3. 
xo  kyu  win  nan,    past   def.    3o    sing.,    he    went   to   sleep. 

203-1. 

da  na  XOL  ten,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  put  him.     108-1. 
da  tee  xo  diL  ten,    past   def.   3   sing.,   she  has  taken   him 

away.     159-5. 
dexotdiLwaL,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  threw  him  in  the 

fire.     120-8. 

do  yux  xo  il  Ian,    cust.  3a  sing.,  they  quit  him.     196-2. 
donaya  xoLtsan  nei,    past  3  plu.,  they  did  not  see  him. 

152-6. 
do  na  ya  XOL  tsit,    past   def.    3    plu.,   they   did   not   know 

him.     166-15. 
do  na  XOL  tsun  xf>  liii,    pres.    2    plu.,    you    won't   see   him 

any  longer  (more).     306-6. 
doheyaxonneLen,    past.   def.   3   plu.,    they    could    not 

look   at   him.      139-1. 
doxolinxonne  dilen,    impot.    1    plu.,    we   can't   look   at 

him.     139-3. 

do  tco  XOL  tsis,    past  3  sing.,  he  saw  nobody.    238-8. 
ta  nai  xos  do  wei,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  cut  him  to  pieces. 

108-2. 


184  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

tee  na  xdn  nil.  ten,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  took   (him)   out. 

153-7. 

tee  XOL  kit.  past  3  sing.,  he  caught  him.  143-9. 
tee  xo  nil,  ten,  past  def.  3  sing.,  they  took  him  out.  278-4. 
tee  xon  des  ne,  past  3  sing.,  he  found  him  out.  207-11. 
tcexoseLwen,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  killed  her.  164-11. 
tcexoteL  waL,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  pulled  him.  106-17. 
tcexoteL  ten,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  took  him  along.  210-15. 
tcex  xot  ditteL-en,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  watched  her. 

137-10. 

tco  XOL  kit,    past  3  sing.,  he  caught  him.     151-2. 
tco  xo  ne  im  mil,    cust.    3    sing.,    he   threw   them    at   her. 

332-12. 
tcoxonneLen,    past    def.    3    sing.,    he    looked    at    him. 

109-1. 
ted  xon  ne  itc  tcwa  ei,    cust.    3    sing.,    he    threw    at    her- 

333-3. 
tco  xon  niL  xuts,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  threw  after  him. 

159-9. 
tco  xon  des  ne,    past   def.   3   sing.,   he    thought    of    him. 

257-1. 

tco  xon  des  ne  h?nm,    pres.  3  sing.,  he  shall  know.  319-13. 
tco  xon  des  ne  te,    fut.   def.   3   sing.,   she    will    think    of. 

325-14. 

tco  xon  tan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  held  her.     153-3. 
tcoxostcwen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  made  him.     114-8. 
tco  xot  dit  teL  en,    past   def.    3    sing.,    he   watched    along. 

97-10. 

Verbs  having  the  third  person  singular  as  indirect  object. 
ai  XOL  ne,    pres.  3  sing.,  he  is  telling  him.     208-13. 
ai  XOL  de  in  ne,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  used  to  tell  her.     135-3. 
a  yai  XOL  du  wen  ne,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  said.     165-2. 
a  XOL  tcit  den  ne,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  said  to  him.     97-7. 
a  XOL  tcit  den  tsu,    pres.  3  sing.,  he  heard  say.     141-8. 
y  a  XOL  tcit  den  ne,    past   def.    3   plu.,   they   said   to   him. 

102-15. 
xa  a  XOL  tcin  ne,    pres.  3  sing.,  he  is  telling  him.     150-2. 


VOL.  3]    Ooddard. — Morphology  of  the  Thipa  Language.  185 

xoi  ye  xoi !  yan,    cust.  3  sin?.,  she  suspected  her.     158-3. 

158-3. 

xdwaiLda,  past  del'.  3  sing.,  she  handed  him.  181-13. 
xd  way  a  in  tan,  past  def.  3  phi.,  they  gave  him.  144-14. 
xo  wa  me  neL  tcwit  te,  fut.  def.  1  sing..  I  would  loan 

him.     356-17. 

xd  wa  tein  xan,  past  def.  3  sing.,  to  her  she  gave.  246-12. 
xd  wiin  na  kis  le,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  felt  of  him.  153-5. 
xd  wilt  xd  wes  yfm  te.  fut.  def.  1  sing..  T  will  watch  her. 

137-7. 
xd  wut  tcuxd  wes  van,    past    def.     3     sing.,     he     watched 

her.     137-8. 
xdi.  ya  kit  wul,    past  def.  3  sing.,  with  him  he  seesawed. 

107-10. 

xdi.  wildal,    past  3«  sing.,  with  him  came  along.     115-1. 
XOL  Lentin  dil  lat,    past  def.  3«  sing.,  it  floated  with  him. 

315-5. 
XOL  Le  nun  du  waL  ei,    past    def.    3o    sing.,    with    him    it 

shut.     109-5. 
XOL  me  nun  dil  lat  dei,    past    def.    3a    sing.,    with    him    it 

floated  back.     315-6. 

xdLneun'te,    pres.  1  sing.,  let  me  lie  with  her.    223-12. 
xdi.  no  il  lit,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  was  done  smoking  with 

him. 
xdi.  no  nil  lit,    past  def.  3  sing.,  it  finished  burning  (with 

him).     364-7. 
XOL  no  kin  nil  lit,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  finished  sweating. 

209-13. 
XOL  xas  tcwen  nei,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  grew  up    (with 

him).     137-18. 
XOL  xut  tes  nan,    past  def.   3a  sing.,    it    moved    in    her. 

341-3. 
XOL  xut  tes  nun  te,    fut.  def.  3a  sing.,  would  move  in  her. 

341-2. 
XOL  da  na  du  win  a  ei,    past  def.   3o   sing.,    with    him    it 

stuck  up.     203-5. 

AM.  ARCH.  ETH.  3, 13. 


186  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

xoLdenneete,    fut.  def.  1  sing.,  I  will  call  him.     137-6, 

139-5. 
XOL  ta  na  wil  Lat,    past  def.  3  sing1.,  with  him  she  went. 

223-14. 

xoLteillit,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  smoked  himself. 
xoLteLtcwen,    past   def.   3a  sing.,    it    grew    with    him. 

137-18. 

xoLteslat,  past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  floated  with  him.  315-2. 
xdLtesdeL,  past  def.  3  dual,  with  him  they  went.  110-7. 
XOL  tee  niL  tsit,  past  def.  3  sing.,  with  him  he  untied  it. 

108-1. 
xoLtciLkit,    past  def.   3  sing.,   with  him  he   caught  it. 

107-10. 

XOL  tcin  nes  ten,    past  def.  3  sing.,  \vith  her  he  lay.  223-13. 
XOL  tcit  den  ne,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  said.     105-18. 
XOL  tcit  du  win  neL,    pres.  3  sing.,  he  kept  saying.  141-12. 
XOL  tcu  wit  dil,   past  3  sing.,  following  him.     208-1. 
XOL  tcu  xo  wil  lik,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  told  him.     141-13. 
xdLkiLdjexainnaui#hM/ei,    cust.  3  plu.,  they  all  fought 

with  her.    333-4. 

xwaiLkit,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  gave  him.     98-11. 
xwayaiLkit,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  gave  him.     110-5. 
xwawilxan,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  he  liked  them.     110-5. 
do  he  XOL  din  nu  WIL  a,       past  def.   3   sing.,    he    did    not 

know  how.     175-4. 
do  XOL  din  nu  wiL  a,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  did  not  know 

how.     176-6. 

First  Person  Plural. 
Yun  nd  tcil  lute,    he  is  picking  us  up. 

Present  Indefinite. 
Singular.  Plural. 


2.  yunnoholluM;  yunnoholuw; 

3.  yun  no  tcil  luw  ya  yun  no  tcil  luw 
3a.  yun  no  hil  luw  yai  yun  no  hil  IUM; 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          187 


Singular. 

2.  yfm  no  hoi  luir 

3.  yfm  no  tco  lu»r 
3a.  yfm  no  ho  lu/r 


Singul 


lar. 


1. 


2.  yfm  no  he  il  luw 

3.  yfm  no  tee  il  lutr 
3o.  yfm  no  he  il  lute 


Singular. 

1.  - 

2.  yfm  no  wil  la 

3.  yun  no  teil  la 
3o.  yfm  no  hil  la 


Singular. 


2.  yfm  no  wil  lai 

3.  yfm  no  tcil  lai 
3<z.  yfm  no  hil  lai 


Imperative. 

Plural. 

yun  no  ho  luir 
yayfmnotcolujr 
yaiyfmnoholujc 

Customary. 

Plural. 


yfm  no  he  61  luw 
ya  yfm  no  tee  il  lu/r 
yai  yun  no  he  il  line 


Present  Definite. 

Plural. 


yfm  no  wo  la 
ya  yfm  no  tcil  la 
yai  yfm  no  hil  la  f 


Past  Definite. 

Plural. 


yun  no  wo  lai 
ya  yun  no  teil  lai 
yai  yun  no  hil  lai 


When  the  object  changes  to  the  plural,  the  root  of  the  verb 
is  replaced  by  one  applicable  to  a  plural  object.  It  happens 
that  -ten  the  root  of  the  singular,  requires  L  and  therefore  places 
the  verbs  formed  from  it  in  the  second  class,  while  -lai  of  the 
plural  object  does  not  require  i.  and  its  verbs  belong  to  the 
first  class. 

The  inserted  form  of  this  pronoun  is  noh  with  the  second 
syllable  variously  completed,  or  in  some  cases  disappearing.  It 
follows  the  analogy  of  the  second  person  singular  both  as  to 
its  position  in  the  third  person  singular  of  the  verb,  and  as  to 
its  effect  on  the  form  of  the  preceding  prefix. 


188 


University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 


Verbs  having  the  first  person  plural  as  direct  object. 

do  xo  liii  no  siL  we,    impot.    2    sing.,    you    can't    kill    us. 
165-7. 

Verbs  having  the  first  person  plural  as  indirect  object. 

a  no  hoL  tcit  den  ne,    past  def.   3   sing.,    he    said    of    us. 

302-3. 
no  hoL  tcit  den  ne,    past  def.  3  sing.,  they  told  us.     302-4. 

Second  Person  Plural. 
Yun  no  tcil  lutfl,    he  is  picking  you  (plural)  up. 


Singular. 

1.  yun  no  lawuw  luw; 

2.  - 

3.  yun  no  tcil  luw 
3a.  yunnohilluw; 


Singular. 

2    

3.  yunnotc61uf£ 
3a.  yun  noholuw 


Singular. 

1.  yun  no  he  iuw  luic 

2.  - 

3.  yun  nd  tee  il  luw 
3a.  yun  no  he  il  luw 


Singular. 

1.  yun  no  he  la 

2    

3.  yun  no  tcil  la 
3a.  yunnohilla 


Present  Indefinite. 
Plural. 


yun  no  hit  dil  lute 


ya  yun  no  tcil  Imc 
yai  yun  no  hil  lu?/: 


Imperative. 

Plural. 


ya  yun  no  tco  luw; 
yai  yun  no  ho  luw 


Customary. 

Plural. 


yun  no  he  it  dil  IUM; 


yayunnotceil  luw 
yai  yun  no  he  il  IUM: 

Present  Definite. 

Plural, 
yun  no  wit  dil  la 


ya  yun  no  tcil  la 
yai  yun  no  hil  la 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          189 


Singular. 

1.  yiin  no  he  lai 
2    

3.  yvmnoteil  lai 
3a.  yun  no  hil  lai 


Plural, 
yun  no  wit  dil  lai 


ya  yun  no  tcil  lai 
yai  yun  no  hil  lai 


These  forms  differ  from  those  of  the  first  person  plural  of 
the  objective  only  in  the  forms  which  can  logically  occur.  In 
the  ease  of  the  first  person,  forms  of  the  first  person  of  the  verb 
are  barred ;  while  in  the  case  of  the  second  person,  the  second 
person  of  the  verb  would  not  be  used.  In  the  third  person  of 
the  verb  it  must  be  determined  from  the  context  whether  the 
object  is  of  the  first  or  second  person. 

Third  Person  Plural. 
Yayaxollutr,    he  is  picking  them  up. 


Singular. 

1.  (ya)yax6»r  lu/r 

2.  (ya)ya  xol  lu»r 

3.  (ya)ya  xollujr 
3o.  ( y a )  y a i  xol  1  u  ir 


Singular. 

2.  (ya)yaxol  luir 

3.  (ya)yaxolluir 
3a.  (ya)yaixol  Ifur 


Singular. 

1-  (ya)ya  xoi  iuir  luir 

2.  (ya)yaxoiillujf 

3.  (ya)yaxoiil  lutf 
3o.  (ya)yaixoiilluir 


Present  Indefinite. 
Plural. 

(ya)ya  xdtdil  lu<r 
(ya)yaxolutr 
(ya)yaxol  liifr 
(ya)yai  xol 


Imperative. 

Plural. 

(ya)yaxolu/r 
(ya)yaxol  liur 
(ya)yai  xol  liur 

Customary. 

Plural. 

(ya)yaxoiitdilluic 
(ya)yaxoo  lutr 
(ya)ya  xoi  il  \uw 
(ya)yai  xoiillutc 


190  University  of  California  Publications.  CAM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

Present  Definite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  (ya)yaxwella  (ya)yaxo  wit  dilla 

2.  (ya)yaxo  willa  (ya)yaxdwola 

3.  (ya)yaxolla  (ya)yaxolla 
3a.  (ya)yaixolla  (ya)yaixola 

Past  Definite. 

Singular.  Plural. 

1.  (ya)ya  xwel  lai  (ya)ya  xo  wit  dil  lai 

2.  ( ya )  ya  xo  wil  lai  ( y  a )  y a  xo  wo  lai 

3.  (ya)yaxollai  (ya)yax5xollai 
3a.  (ya)yaixol  lai  (ya)yai  xollai 

Since  the  form  of  the  root  indicates  that  the  object  is  more 
than  one,  the  forms  without  the  first  ya-  are  dual  as  regards  the 
object  and  those  with  both  are  plural. 

Verbs  having  the  third  person  plural  for  direct  object. 
yaxosqot,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  stuck  them.     181-2. 
yaxoteLxa,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  tracked  them.     267-15. 
yaxoqot,    pres.  3  plu.,  they  stick  them.     180-12. 
yeyaxolai,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  took  them.    179-12. 
yin  ne  ya  XOL  taL,    past   def.    3   sing.,   in  the   ground  he 

tramped  them.    361-10. 

nayaxoLtsan,    past  3  sing.,  he  found  them.     267-15. 
na  ya  xon  nil  lai  ei,    past    def.    3    plu.,    they    took    them. 

179-8. 
na  ya  xos  duk  qot  de,    pres  def.  1  plu.,  if  we  stuck  them. 

180-15. 

doyaxoLtsan,    past  3  sing.,  he  did  not  see  them.    238-14. 
tee  na  ya  xon  mil,    imp.  2  plu.,  throw  them  out.    302-3. 

Verbs  having  the  third  person  plural  as  indirect  object. 
xo  wa  ya  tel  lai,    past  def.  3  plu.,  they  gave  them.     198-8. 
XOL  yai  din  ne  WIL  a,    past    def.    3    sing.,    they    learned. 

180-13. 

XOL  yaL  de  wim  min  iL.,    pres.  def.  Ba  plu.,  they  filled  with 
them.     153-17. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  191 

xoLyaxoillik,    cuat.  3  sing.,  he  told  them.     180-10. 
xor.ya  xowillik,    past  def.  3  phi.,  they  told  them.  180-12. 
xoLyatesyai,    past  def.   3  sing.,    with    them    he    went. 

208-15. 
XOL  teit  tes  deL,    past  def.  3  dual,  they  ran  after  them. 

153-16. 
xwa  ya  kii.  kit,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  fed  them.     192-11. 

Reflexive. 
YeadiL<6,    he  is  putting  himself  into. 

Present  Indefinite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  yeaduirfd  yeaditdiHd 

2.  ye  a  dir,  to  ye  a  doi,  to 

3.  yeadir,<6  ye  a  ya  diL  £6 
3a.  ye  ai  diL  to  ye  a  yai  diL  to 

Impotential. 

Singular.  Plural. 

1 .  do  xo  liii  ye  a  du»c  to  do  xo  lin  ye  a  dit  dil  to 

2.  ye  a  dir>  to  ye  a  doL  ?6 

3.  yeadiLfo  yeayadiLfo 
3«.                   yeaidiLfo                                  ye  a  yai  diL  to 

Imperative. 

Singular.  Plural. 

2.  ye  a  diL  to  ye  a  doL  ^6 

3.  ye  a  doi,  to  ye  a  ya  doL  to 
3a.  ye  ai  doL  £6  ye  a  yai  doL  to 

Customary. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  yeadeiu»r<6  yeadeitdil/d 

2.  ye  a  de  IL  to  ye  a  do  OL  to 

3.  yeadeii.fo  yeayadeii^o 
3a.  yeaideii^o                             yeayaideiLio 


192  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

Present  Definite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  ye  a  deL  to  ye  a  du  wit  dil  to 

2.  ye  a  du  wiL  to  ye  a  du  WOL  to 

3.  ye  a  diL  £5 
3a. 


Past  Definite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  ye  a  deL  £6  yeaduwitdiHo 

2.  yeaduwiLifo  yeaduwdLtfo 

3.  ye  a  diL  to  ye  a  ya  diL  to 
3a.  ye  ai  diL  to  ye  a  yai  diL  £6 

It  will  be  noted  that  the  form  of  the  reflexive  inserted  ele 
ment  is  the  same  for  all  persons  in  both  numbers. 

The  following  verbs  have  the  direct  reflexive  form. 
anadillau,    past  3  sing.,  he  made  himself.     152-11. 
a  na  dil  le,    imp.  2  sing.,  fix  yourself.     170-1. 
anadisloi,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  girded  himself.     221-5. 
anadistcwen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  made  himself.  101-14. 
anai  duwin  wat,    past   def.   3a  sing.,   he   shook  himself. 

115-7. 
anayadillau,    past  def.   3   plu.,  they  fixed  themselves. 

170-1. 
a  na  dit  du  WIL  kan,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  jumped  out  one 

side.     108-15. 

adistcwen,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  made  himself.    102-6. 
adistcwinte,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  he  might  make  (for  him 

self).    363-5. 

a  dux  xun  de,    pres.  3  sing.,  when  she  is  hungry.     256-3. 
ye  a  diL  to,      past  def.  3  sing.,  he  put  on.     328-12. 
no  a  din  nin  xan,    past   def.    3    sing.,   she   placed   herself. 

223-9. 

no  a  diil  xauw;,    imp.  2  sing.,  lay  yourself  down.    223-9. 
do  ma  a  din  iL  tcwit,    past  def.  3  sing.,  she  did  not  move. 

341-1. 
do  ma  a  din  niL  tcwit,    past    def.    3    sing.,    she    couldn't 

walk.     276-3. 


VOL.  3]     (ioddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          193 

Verbs  having  the  reflexive  pronoun  for  indirect  object. 

a  da  yis  tcwin  te,  fut.  def.  '3a  sing.,  he  makes  for  him 
self.  338-6. 

a  da  na  win  ate,  fut.  def.  3  sing.,  for  himself  he  will 
get.  338-9. 

a  del  i.  kit,    past  3  sins;.,  he  took  with  himself.     270-7. 

adexoi.  kit,  past  3  sing.,  she  eaught  against  herself. 
223-14. 

adii.yakiLqote,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  threw  himself  with 
it.  202-3. 

adii.  yakii.  qotchit,  pres.  3  sing.,  when  he  threw  him 
self  with  it.  202-7. 

a dii.no keii. qfw,  eust.  3  sing.,  to  he  used  to  throw  with 
himself.  202-4. 

a  dit  tcin  no  nil  la  de.  pres.  def.  3  sing.,  puts  with  herself. 
302-10. 

adittcinnulluic,    imp.  2  sing.,  on  yourself  put  it.  175-3. 

adu  wa  nun  du  witetewil  liLte,  fut.  3  sing.,  she  will  rub 
herself. 

adu  wunya  tei,  wis,  past  def.  3  plu.,  for  themselves  they 
were  afraid.  179-10. 

a  du  wun  din  tewin  ne,  imp.  2  sing.,  yourself  bathe. 
353-7. 

adu wundotcwitte,  fut.  2  plu.,  bathe  yourselves. 
322-11. 

a  du  wun  du  win  tcwit,  past  def.  3  sing.,  he  rubbed  him 
self.  319-9. 

aduirkit,    past  1  sing.,  to  myself  I  held.     353-6. 

do  a  du  wun  tel  wis  he,  imp.  2  plu.,  don't  be  frightened. 
356-2. 

CONJUGATION  OF  THE  PASSIVE  VOICE. 
Ya  xo  wil  tin,    he  is  carried  off. 

Impotential. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  doxolin  ya  hirel  dittuw?          doxolin  yunnohitluic 

2.  yun  nel  dit  tuir  yun  no  ho  IUMJ 

3.  ya  xol  dit  tuic  ya  ya  xot  lute 
3a.                   yul  dit  tuic  ya  yat  luw 


194 


University  of  California  Publications.  EAM-  ARCH.  ETH. 


Singular. 

2.  yun  nol  dit  tuw 

3.  ya  x5l  dit  tuw 
3d.  ya  51  dit  tuw 

Singular. 

1.  ya  hive  il  dit  tuw; 

2.  yiin  ne  il  dit  tuw 

3.  ya  xoi  il  dit  tuw 
3a.  ya  e  il  dit  tuw 


Singular. 

1.  yahw;uwiltin 

2.  yun  nu  wil  tin 

3.  yaxowiltin 
3a.  yaltifi 

Singular. 

1.  ya  hwu  wil  ten 

2.  yun  nu  wil  ten 

3.  ya  xo  wil  ten 
3&.  yalten 


Imperative. 

Plural. 

yun  no  hoi  dil  luw 
ya  ya  xol  dil  luw 
ya  ya  51  dil  luic 

Customary. 

Plural. 

yun  no  he  it  luw 
yun  no  he  it  luw 
ya  ya  xoi  it  luw 
ya  ya  it  luw 

Present  Definite. 
Plural. 

yun  no  wit  la 
yun  no  wit  la 
ya  ya  x5  wit  la 
ya  yat  la 

Past  Definite. 

Plural. 

yun  n5  wit  lai 
yun  n5  wit  lai 
ya  ya  x5  wit  lai 
ya  yat  lai 


Past  Persistent. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  ya  liwu  wes  dit  ten  yun  no  wes  dil  lai 

2.  yiin  nu  wes  dit  ten  yun  n5  wes  dil  lai 

3.  ya  x5  wes  dit  ten  ya  ya  x5  wes  dil  lai 
3a,  ya  wes  dit  ten                             ya  ya  wes  dil  lai 

In  the  passive  voice  occurs  a  combination  of  classes  and 
conjugations.  In  this  case  the  root  of  the  singular,  -ten  which 
requires  L  and  places  its  verbs  in  the  second  class  in  the  active 
voice,  on  becoming1  passive  passes  to  the  fourth  class.  The  root 
of  the  plural,  not  requiring  L  in  the  active,  passes  to  the  third 
class  on  becoming  passive. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  195 

The  definite  tenses  have  w,  the  eharaeteristie  of  the  first  con 
jugation.  There  is  also  a  form  which  indicates  that  the  act 
which  was  suffered  resulted  in  a  permanent  state.  These  forms 
which  have  been  called  past  persistent  resemble  the  third  con 
jugation  in  having  s,  the  characteristic  of  that  conjugation.1 

What  the  forms  of  the  present  indefinite  would  be,  were  they 
logically  possible,  is  shown  by  the  forms  of  the  impotential  and 
imperative. 

The  following  passives  have  the  forms  of  Class  HI. 

wittcwa,    pres.,  buried.     192-17. 

wit  tcwa  ta,    pres.  3  sing.,  they  are  buried  places.    180-1 1. 

na  wes  len  ei,    past  persistent,  it  falls.     104-1. 

na  wes  mats,    past  persistent,  it  was  coiled.     151-19. 

na  wes  deL,    past  persistent,  it  encircles.     364-15. 

nonawitfats,    past  def.,  it  is  cut  down.     114-17. 

daxoduwesen,    past  persistent,  one  could  see.     242-13. 

do  6  na  wes  en  ei,    past  persistent,  it  could    not    be    seen. 

151-19. 
dona  hiru  wes tsimhirun,    1    sing.,    I    must    not   be   seen 

again.     217-18. 
do  na  xo  wes  tsan,    past    persistent    3    sing.,    he   was    not 

longer  seen.     226-5. 

do  kyu  wit  van,    past  def.  3  sing.,  without  eating.     226-4. 
kyu  wit  tcwok  kei,    past  def.  3  sing.,  they  are  strung  on 

a  line.     165-8. 

The  following  i)assives  hare  the  forms  of  Class  IV. 

yai  kyu  wil  fats,    past   def.,   a    blanket    made    of    strips. 

207-5. 

wil  loi,    past  def.,  bundles.     210-3. 
wiltcwen,    past  def.,  was  made  of.     164-13,  203-11. 
(dih/ro)wil  tcwen,    past    def.,    something   was    made    (a 

grave).    221-10. 
wil  kan  nei,    past  def.,  a  fire  is  burning.     151-4. 


1Compare  the  forms  given  for  the  third  conjugation,  class  iv. 


196  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

Lena  wil  la,    past  def.,  a  fire.    170-9. 

na  wil  tik,    past  def.,  a  string  tied.    353-4. 

na  wil  lit,    past  def.,  he  nearly  burned.    330-1. 

nawillitdei,    past  def.,  he  burned  up.     120-8. 

na..  wil  lit  te,    fut.  del,  it  will  burn.     151-5. 

nanuwilxut,    past  def.,  hanging  for  a  door.     171-1. 

na  du  wil  tcwan,    past  def.,  it  was  supper  time.     141-1. 

nakyuwiHik,    past  def.,  was  tied  with  a  string.    351-10. 

nowillin,    past  def.,  covered.     115-16. 

nokyuwiltaL,    past  def.,  the  final  dancing  place.     105-6. 

hi/'elweLte,    fut.   def.   1   sing.,   I  will   spend  the  night. 

348-2. 
hM/in  nil  wil  ten,    past  def.   1  sing.,  I  was  brought  here. 

180-7. 
xoi  yal  wil  lil,    past    def.    3    plu.,    they    camped    along. 

179-12. 

xoi  yal  weL,    past  def.,  they  camped.    175-6. 
xoi  na  yal  wil  lil,    past   def.   3   plu.,   they   camped   along. 

181-6. 

xoinalweL,    past  def.,  he  stayed  over  night.     121-4. 
xwel  weL,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  had  spent  the  night, 
da  du  wil  ten,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  has  been  carried  off. 

150-10. 

dowiltsan,    past  def.,  he  was  not  seen.    341-9. 
do  xo  lin  h«cil  wil,    impot.    1   sing.,   I   will   not   stay   over 

night.     176-1. 
kyuwiltel,    past  def.,  it  was  paved.     140-6. 

IRREGULAR  VERBS. 
An,    he  says. 

Present  Indefinite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  aduicne  adit  din  ne 

2.  a  den  a  don 

3.  an  ayan 
3a.  an                                                ayan 


VOL.  3 1     (ioddnrd. — Morpltoloyy  of  the  Hupa  Lany \unje. 


197 


Singular. 

1.  doxolifi  a  dii/r  ne 
-.  a  den  ne 

3.  a  ne 

3o.  a  ne 


Singular. 

2  a  den 

3.  a  ddn 

3a.  a  don 


Irapotential. 

Plural. 

do  xolifi  a  ditdin  ne 
a  do  ne 
a  ya  ne 
a  ya.  ne 

Imperative. 

Plural. 

a  don 
a  ya  don 
a  va  don 


Singular. 

1.  adeiutrne 

2.  adeenne 

3.  a  de  in  ne 
3a.  a  de  In  ne 


Singular. 

1.  a  den 

2.  aduwen 

3.  a  den 
3a.  a  du  wen 


Singular. 

1.  a  den  ne 

2.  adiiwene 

3.  a  den  ne 
3a.  a  du  wen  ne 


Customary. 

I'lu  ml. 

a  de  it  din  ne 
a  de  6  ne 
aya  dein  ne 
aya  dein  ne 

Present  Definite. 

Plural. 

a  du  wit  din 
a  du  wo  ne 
a  ya  den 
a  ya  du  wen 

Past  Definite. 
Plural. 

a  du  wit  din  ne 
a  du  wo  ne 
a  ya  den  ne 
a  va  du  wen  ue 


The  peculiarity  of  the  verb  meaning  to  say  or  to  speak  is  in 
the  form  of  the  root.  That  the  root  should  have  a  short  form 
for  the  present  definite  and  indefinite  and  imperative  is  to  be 


198  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

expected  but  that  it  does  not  form  a  syllable  in  its  shortened 
form  is  unusual.1 

ayaiduwenne,    past  def.  3a  plu.,  they  said.     165-7. 

ayan,    pres.  3  plu.,  they  said  that.    116-17. 

ayaduwinnel,  past  (progressive)  3  plu.,  they  were  say 
ing.  153-14. 

an  tsu,    pres.  3a  sing.,  he  heard  it  cry.    281-13. 

a  den  ne,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  said.    97-15,  321-5. 

a  den  de,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  if  he  sings.    236-2. 

a  den  tsu,    pres.  def.  3  sing.,  singing  he  heard.     186-12. 

ya  du  wen  ne,    past  def.  3a  plu.,  they  said.     109-17. 

xaadenne,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  called  the  same.     105-5. 

de  in  ne,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  used  to  imitate.    182-1. 

din  ne,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  was  playing.    99-17. 

do  a  du  win  ne  he,    don 't  say  that.     175-1. 

donene,    imp.  3a  sing.,  let  it  play.    100-3. 

duwenne,    past  def.  3a  sing.,  it  sounded.    108-16,  189-13. 

duwinne,    it  played.     100-5. 

A  teon,    he  thinks. 

Present  Indefinite. 

Singular.  Plural. 

1.  ainm^sifi  ainitdissin 

2.  aininsin  ainosin 

3.  a  tcon  ayatcon 
3a.  aydn  ayayon 

Impotential. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  do  xo  lin  ai  nuw  sin  do  xo  lin  ai  nit  dis  sin 

2.  ai  nin  sin  ai  no  sin 

3.  atcone  ayatcone 
3a.                    a  yd  ne  a  ya  yo  ne 


1  Other  forms  have  been  given  in  the  lists  under  objective  conjugations 
and  under  the  root  -ne.  When  some  definite  thing  which  has  been  said  is 
quoted,  the  forms  of  the  verb  are  somewhat  different,  especially  in  the 
third  person  where  in  the  present  instead  of  an,  tcin  is  found;  and  for  the 
definite  present  and  past  instead  of  a  den  and  a  den  ne,  the  forms  tcit  den 
and  tcit  den  ne  occur.  The  difference  in  the  forms  consists  in  the  use  of  tc, 
the  sign  of  the  third  person,  in  one  case  and  its  omission  in  the  other. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Languayc.          }\\\\ 


Singular. 

2.  ai  nin  sin 

3.  a  ted  one 
3a.  a  yd  one 


Imperative. 

!  Mural. 


Singular. 

1.  ai  ne  iuifseu 

2.  ai  ne  in  sen 

3.  a  ted  in  ne 
3a.  aydinne 


Singular. 

1.  ainesin 

2.  ai  nu  win  sin 

3.  a  tcdn  des  ne 
3a.  a  yon  des  ne 


Singular. 

1.  ainesen 

2.  ai  nu  win  sen 

3.  a  Icon  desne 
3a.  a  von  des  ne 


;ii  no  sin 
a  ya  ted  d  ne 
a  va  vo  6  ne 


Customary. 

Plural. 

ai  ne  itdissen 
ai  ne o  sen 
a  ya  too  in  ne 
ayayd  in  ne 

Present  Definite. 
Plural. 

;ii  nu  \vit  dissin 
;ii  nu  wdsiii 
a  y a  t  con  des  ne 
a  ya  yon  des  ne 

Past  Definite. 

Plural. 

ai  nu  wit  dissen 
ai  nu  wo  sen 
a  ya  tcdn  des  ne 
a  ya  yon  des  ne 

The  verb  which  means  to  think  is  still  more  unusual  in  its 
forms  than  is  the  verb  to  say.  The  first  and  second  persons  have 
the  root  forms  -sin  and  -sen ;  the  third  person  the  forms  -n 
and  -ne. 

ai  yon  des  ne  te.  fut.  def .  3a  sing.,  she  will  think  about. 
104-1. 

ai  ne  sen,    past  def.  1  sing.,  I  thought.    187-3. 

aininsinne,    imp.  2  sing.,  you  must  think.     208-17. 

ainutrsiri,    pres.  1  sing.,  I  think  so.     353-3. 

a  ted  in  ne,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  kept  thinking.     139-4. 

a  tcdn  des  ne,    past  def.  3  sing.,  he  thought.    96-7. 

ya  tcdn  desne,    past  def.  3  phi.,  they  thought.     265-2. 


200  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

ninsifi,    pres.  2  sing.,  you  think.    337-12. 
hwunnesin,    pres.  2  sing.,  don't  you  remember.     163-8. 
do  ai  nin  sin  Gx,    pres.  2  sing.,  you  don't  think.    337-9. 
tco  in  ne,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  kept  thinking.    113-2,  311-8. 
ted  xon  des  ne,    past    def .    3    sing.,   he   thought   of    him. 

257-1. 
tco  xon  des  ne  te,    fut.  def.  3  sing.,  she  will  think  of  him. 

325-14. 

CONJUGATION  OF  ADJECTIVES. 
Nit  das,    it  is  heavy. 

Present  Definite. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  nuwdas  nitditdas 

2.  nin  das  no  das 

3.  tcin  das  ya  in  das 
3a.  nit  das  ya  nit  das 

Imperative. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  iuw;  das  it  dit  das 

2.  in  das  6  das 

3.  tco  das  ya  tco  das 
3a.  yd  das  ya  yd  das 

Customary. 

Singular.  Plural. 

1.  e  iutf  das  e  it  dit  das 

2.  e  in  das  e  6  das 

3.  tee  it  das  yaitdas 
3a.  e  it  das  ya  e  it  das 

Past. 

Singular.  Plural. 

1.  wuw;  das,  or  we  das  wit  dit  das 

2.  win  das  wo  das 

3.  tcuwindas  ya  win  das 
3a.  win  das  yandas 


VOL.  3]    Goddard.  —  Morphology  of  the  IIuixi  Language.  201 


The  conjugation  of  nit  das  is  almost  identical  with  class  i 
conjugation  1  of  the  verb.  The  most  noticeable  feature  of  the 
adjectives  is  the  presence  of  a  prefix  in  the  present,  the  form 
more  frequently  employed.  These  prefixes  which  consist  of  a 
single  letter  appear  to  classify  the  adjectives  with  which  they 
are  employed.  In  this  case,  n,  seems  to  be  used  with  adjectives 
expressing  qualities  which  are  inseparable  from  the  existence 
of  the  object,  such  as,  shape,  size,  and  weight.  Among  these  are  : 

n  fur  nes,  I  am  tall;    tee  nes,  he  is  tall;     nes,  it  is  tall,  or  tall. 
nujrh/ron,    I  am  good;    tcinnuhwon,    he  is  good;    nuhiron.    it 

is  good. 

iiiiif  teL,  I  am  broad  :    tcin  teL,  he  is  broad  ;    nit  teL,  it  is  flat. 
nfiir  tcwin,  I  am  dirty;     tcin  tewifi,  he  is  dirty;     nitc  tcwin;  it 

is  dirty. 
n  fur  kya  6,  I  am  large;     tcin  kya  6,  be  is  large:     nikkyao,  it  is 

large. 

anuLkyo,     (comparative  form)   so  large  it  had  swollen. 
121-10. 

win  kya  6,    past  3  sing.,  she  got  big.     189-5. 

meLkyowei,     (comparative  form)     it    was    big    enough. 
136-9. 

menawii,  kyo,     (comparative    form)    she    was   that    big. 
341-4. 

nai  xon  nu  W!L  hicon.    it  cured  him.     121-13. 

na  ne  iuir  lucon,    cust.  3  sing.,  he  gets  well.     196-4. 

na  nu  win  hiron  te,    fut.  3a  sing.,  it  will  be  good  weather. 
273-5. 

n  u  wiii  luron,    past  3  sing.,  it  is  good.    260-13. 

nu  win  hiron  te,    fut.  3  sing.,  it  will  be  good.     258-16. 

nu  hiroii  flx,    adverb,  good.     236-3. 

nuhic6nb.it,    pres.  3a  sing.,  beautiful.     341-15. 

xo  lun  nu  h/ron  tei,,    fut.3a  sing.,  will  it  be  good?     295-9. 

tcu  wiii  kya  6  we  xo  Ian,    past  def  .   3  sing.,  large  he  had 
become  he  saw.    186-6. 

nitc  'tcwin,    pres.  3a  sing.,  dirty  things.    247-15. 


AM.  ARCH.  ETH.  u,  14 


202  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

With  prefix  L-. 
Luk  kau,    fat. 

Present. 

Singular.  Plural. 

1.  Luitfkau  Litdukkau 

2.  Lin  kau  Lokau 

3.  tcitLukkau  yaLukkau 
3a.  Lukkau  yaLukkau 

Impotential. 
Singular. 

1.  do  xo  lin  LUW  kau,    I  shall  never  be  fat. 
(As  in  the  present.) 

Imperative. 

Singular.  Plural. 

1.  iuw?  ka1  it  dil  ka 

2.  ilka  oLka 

3.  tcolka  yatcolka 
3a.  61  ka  yaolka 

Customary. 
Singular.  Plural. 

1.  eiuwkau2  e  it  dil  kau 

2.  eilkau  eoLkau 

3.  tee  il  kau  ya  il  kau 
3a.  eilkau  yailkau 

Past. 

Singular.  Plural. 

1.  wuwkau  wit  dil  kau 

2.  wilkau  woLkau 

3.  tcu  wil  kau  ya  wil  kau 
3a.  wilkau  yalkau 

Adjectives  having  L  for  their  prefix  in  the  present  have  1 
before  the  root  in  the  imperative,  customary,  and  past.  They 
resemble  in  form  the  verbs  of  the  fourth  class  (the  passive  of 
the  second  class). 

1  Let  me  get  fat. 

2  I  get  fat  at  times. 


VOL.  3]    Ooddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  203 

The  adjectives  which  have  this  prefix  seem  to  express  the 
less  constant  qualities,  such  as,  color  and  condition  of  flesh. 
yauLkai,    louse  prey.     111-1. 
Littso,    green  stuff.     342-5. 
Littsowitc,    blue  beads.     199-7. 
niLtsai,    dry  meat.     97-7. 

Besides  these  are  adjectives  with  a  prefix  which  instead  of 
being  confined  to  the  present  is  retained  in  all  the  forms.  With 
the  prefix  te-,  perhaps  that  indicating  distribution  when  used 
with  verbs,  tcit  til  te,  he  is  strong,  is  conjugated  as  are  the  verbs 
of  class  iv,  conjugation  3;  while  tcit  tit  tcit,  he  is  tired,  fol 
lows  the  verbs  of  class  i,  conjugation  36.  With  the  prefix  tco-, 
is  the  adjective  tcodai,  he  is  poor  (lean),  which  belongs  with 
verbs  of  class  i,  conjugation  le. 

ROOTS. 

The  term  root  has  been  applied  to  that  part  of  the  verb 
which  remains  when  all  prefixes,  elements  indicating  person 
and  number,  and  suffixes,  have  been  discarded.  These  roots 
are  monosyllabic  in  form.  Only  a  few  of  them  can  be  referred 
to  known  noun  forms.  Many  of  them  describe  with  consider 
able  exactness  the  kind  of  an  act  or  state  spoken  of.  A  large 
number  indicate  in  addition  the  nature  and  number  of  the 
object  affected  by  the  act. 

It  seems  probable  that  some  of  these  so-called  roots  are  still 
composite.  Several  double  forms,  one  without  a  final  consonant 
and  the  other  with  one,  suggest  that,  in  some  cases,  these  con 
sonants  are  the  remains  of  suffixes. 

The  roots  have  been  listed  together  with  the  verbs  contain 
ing  them  and  classified  as  to  meaning  and  form. 

-ai,  -a.  The  root  -a  seems  to  carry  the  force  of  position.  The 
prefixes  indicate  the  place  and  particular  attitude  of  the  object. 
The  syllable  preceding  the  root  states  whether  position  is  cus 
tomary,  without  beginning,  or  assumed  at  some  definite  time. 
The  suffixes  indicate  that  the  position  is  predicated  of  the  future 
as  certain  or  conditional,  or  states  some  other  tempo-modal  fact. 
Eliminating  then  these  known  elements,  there  remains  the  force 
of  "has  position"  to  be  expressed  by  this  root. 


204  University  of  California  Publications.  EAM-  AROH.  ETH. 

A)   Having  the  short  form. 

a  da  na  win  ate,    for  himself  he  will  get.     338-9. 

eea,    always  lay.     292-2. 

iLwaiwina,     (the  trail)  forked.     141-16. 

ya  a  a,    he  sat.    150-8. 

ya  wes  a,    she  sat  up.    301-2. 

yawina,    he  sitting.     162-11. 

ya  LC  da  a  din,1   the  corner.     286-1. 

yana,    he  sitting.     110-14. 

yana  wes  a.    he  sat  down.     165-17. 

yana  me  da  a,     (his  stomach)  loomed  up.     121-11. 

ya  na  me  du  win  a,     (ashes)  piled  up.       187-9. 

yataaei,    he  commenced  to  sit  up.     136-8. 

ye  wes  a,     (his  face)  was  in.    153-10. 

yi  tsifi  eea  mil,,    west  the  sun  was.     333-4. 

win  a,     (house)  went.     192-13. 

meduwiLa,    she  put  the  ends  in  the  fire.    242-11. 

naaa,    he  always  has.     257-4. 

nanaei,    it  hangs  there.     295-3. 

na  na  du  win  a,    it  stands  up.     364-14. 

nan  ate,    you  will  have.     357-7. 

nanakinnuwiLa,    he  made  the  ridge.     104-3. 

na  nu  wes  a,     (ridges)  run  across.     363-14. 

nadaa,    it  stood.     150-8. 

nanaduwaal,     (hummocks)  rose  up.     103-13. 

(xoideai)    nadaaneen,    he   used  to    listen     (his    head 
used  to  stand  up).  340-12. 

naduwifia,     (smoke)   came  out.     197-5. 

(xoideai)   naduwifiade,    if  they  listen.     341-12. 

naduwinate,    it  will  stick  up.     204-2. 

(tin)  nifia,    road  was  there.     138-1. 

nu  win  ate,    it  will  be. 

xawesa,    he  peeped  out.     176-9. 

xalaxolun,     (grass)  had  grown  up.     121-11. 

xa  na  kyii  xol  da  a,    grown  over  with  grass.     165-16. 

XOL  yai  din  ne  wiL  a,    they  learned.     180-13. 

XOL  da  na  du  win  a  ei,    with  him  it  stuck  up.     203-5. 


1  Several,  mutually,  at  right  angles,  have  position,  place. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard—  Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          205 

dayawesa.    he  sat  down.     138-3. 

da  ya  win  a  ye,    someone  fishing    (sitting  on   something). 

119-16. 

dayanawesa,    he  sat  there.     144-11. 
danadii.  a,    shoot.     329-11. 
danaddi.  a,    he  can  shoot.     145-1. 
da  na  du  wii,  a,    he  set  another  on  it.    197-4. 
danaduwii.a,    he  shot.    329-12. 
da  na  du  win  a  ei,    it  stood  up.     203-10. 
da  du  wes  a  te  ne  wan,    he   could   hardly   hold   pointed   to 

it.    271-10. 

doxoLdinnuwir.  a,    he  did  not  know  how.     176-6. 
du  wes  ate,     (a  ridge)  will  go  across.     253-1. 
tawesa,    it  will  project.     255-2. 
tenawesa,    into  the  water  run  out.     365-1. 
tcuwaal,    he  carried  along.     257-1. 
kenaneii.  a,    she  leaned  it  up.     290-1. 
kenanina,    it  leaning  up.     99-5. 
keneiLa,    she  leaned  it  up.     290-9. 
kit  tsots  yu  WIL  a,    "tsots"  they  made  noise  like.     364-9. 

B)  The  following  have  the  same  root  under  the  longer 
form  -ai. 

This  change  of  form  seems  to  be  phonetic  and  due  to  accent, 
rather  than  morphological,  the  result  of  contraction  with  a 
suffix.  The  forms  of  the  impotential  all  have  this  long  form 
and  the  verb  naa,  "he  has,"  makes  use  of  the  form  for  its 
past  tense.  Nearly  all  the  examples  given  below  occur  where 
the  forms  with  the  shorter  root  would  have  been  expected. 

yau/r  hwai,    I  have  been  sitting  here.     174-12. 

yaiiai,    they  were  sitting.     329-3. 

yana  wiiiai,    he  sat  down.     136-6. 

nadaai,    it  stands.     244-12. 

xoii  ma  na  da  ai,    the  post  back  of  the  fire.     363-9. 

da  ya  \\  in  ai,    he  was  sitting.     360-6. 

da  ya  na  win  ai,    he  sitting.     162-2. 

do  nautr  ai,    I  do  not  wear.     247-15. 


206  University  of  California  Publications.  [A.M.  ARCH.  ETH. 

-an,  -a ;  to  sing.  This  verb  is  employed  of  an  individual  sing 
ing  a  song  by  himself,  such  as  a  love  song.  Another  root,  -te, 
-tu,  is  used  of  dance  songs. 

A)  The  impotential,  customary,  and  past  definite  have  the 
form  -au. 

kitteeau,    he  sang  along.    315-5. 

B)  The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  and  imperative  have 
the  form  -a. 

yikittaate,    she  will  sing.     104-2. 

na  kyu  win  a  tsu,    singing  he  heard.     186-12. 

-aL,  -UL;  to  slit  open.  The  verbs  with  this  root  are  con 
nected  with  the  cutting  open  of  fish  and  game,  especially  salmon 
and  deer. 

A)  The  past  definite,  customary,  and  impotential  have  the 
form  -aL. 

nm  kyu  wiL  aL,    he  cut  it.     266-10. 

B)  The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  and  imperative  have 
the  form  -UL. 

myunkiLUL,    they  were  cutting.     100-17,  101-2. 

-aL,  -UL  ;  to  chew.    This  root  may  be  connected  with  the  last. 

A)  The  past  definite,  customary,  and  impotential  have  the 
form  -aL. 

tcuwinaL,    he  chewed.     121-12,  330-4. 

B)  The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  and  imperative  have 
the  form  -UL. 

keuL°x,   she  chewed.1    276-3. 
kin  UL  flx,    you  chew.    275-2. 

-au;  meaning  unknown. 

Lax  ya  xon  no  au,   they  fooled  him.     166-10. 

-an,  -un,  -amo  ;  to  transport  round  objects.  Verbs  which  have 
reference  to  the  moving  of  objects  are  peculiar  in  Athapascan 
languages  in  that,  by  employing  different  roots,  they  classify  all 

1  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  forms  having  suffixes  are  in  nearly  all 
cases  those  of  the  present  definite  or  present  indefinite,  although  the  mean 
ing  may  be  that  of  the  past.  The  objects  of  verbs  of  seeing,  or  hearing 
are  also  in  the  present  form  in  Hupa  but  require  often  the  past  for  their 
translation  into  English. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Ilitpa  Language.  207 

objects  according  to  their  size  and  shape.  The  following:  verbs 
have  to  do  with  small  round  objects  such  as  stones.  Verbs  re 
ferring  to  houses  are  also  included  here. 

A)  The  past  definite  tense  has  the  form  -an 
yawinan,    he  picked  up  (stones).     197-1,  342-1. 
me  no  nin  an,    he  put  inside.     328-13. 

miL  xos  sat  an,    he  had  been  poisoned  (with  in  his  mouth 

it  had  been  put.     121-14. 
na  in  de  an,    he  brought.     365-17. 
nanawinan,    he  had  taken  down.     176-10. 
na  na  nin.  an,    he  won  back.     144-9. 
na  sa  an,    it  was.     360-8. 
no  nai  nin  an,    he  left.     355-10. 
no  na  ya  kin  nin  an,    they  left  food.     110-9. 
no  na  mii  an,    he  placed   (a  house).     117-8. 
no  nin  an,    he  established  it.     273-3. 
xa  win  an,    he  took  out.     100-10,  135-8. 
xo  lun  sa  an  ne,    there  was  much.     165-12. 
daya  du  win  an,    they  took  away.     171-14. 
danayaidu  win  an,    they  brought  it  back.     365-15. 
da  na  sa  an,    on  was  sitting.    237-8. 
da  tcu  win  an,    he  placed  it.     210-6. 

de  du  win  an,    he  put  in  incense.     260-11,  266-16,  342-5. 
te  tcu  win  an,    he  put  it  in  water.     157-8,  342-6. 
tee  na  nin  an,    he  took  out.     119-3. 
tee  nin  an,    he  took  it  out.     119-15. 
tciLan,    he  had.    171-16. 

B)  The  present  definite  tense  (and  forms  with  suffixes)  has 
the  root  in  the  form  -un. 

mesauri,     (nothing)  was  in  it.     243-15. 
na  na  win  un  xo  Ian,    he  had  taken  down.     176-17. 
nasaunte,    it  will  lie.     226-9. 
nonaneuii,    I  will  leave.     223-3,  296-5. 
nonataunhit,    when  she  turned.     245-10. 
no  na  kin  nin  unte,    one  should  leave.     215-8. 
no  nin  uii  hit,    when  he  finished   (when  he  put  it  down). 
234-7. 


208  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

xaiunte,    I  will  take  one  out.     135-5. 

saufi,    standing.    110-13. 

sa  un  te,    it  will  be.     226-10. 

da  na  du  win  fin  te,    he  will  put  in  the  fire.     258-2. 

do  mesa  mi,    nothing  was  in  it.     243-9. 

c)  Indefinite  tenses  have  tlie  form  -au«< 
yaauwhwei,    he  held  it  out.     166-5. 
no  amc  ne  en,    the  fire  pit  cover.     220-12. 
no  nauw;  amr,    I  never  leave.     248-1. 
non  am<;  ne,    you  must  put  it  down.     210-7. 
no  na  kin  au«;  ne,    you  must  leave.     353-10. 
nuw;  amr,    am  I  going  to  leave.     157-8. 
hico  a  nun  am/;,    give  me.     329-14. 
xamc  amr,    I  am  going  to  take  it  out.     135-7. 
xa  wa  ame  hw;iL  te,    she  will  pick  out  (the  stones).  312-1. 
deduau(z/;)  htmLde,    if  they  put  it  in  the  fire.     273-1. 
do  no  amr,    he  never  put  down.     259-6. 
doxaamr,    one  doesn't  dig.     135-3. 
do  xo  liii  na  ta  amr,    he  won 't  carry.     258-3. 
do  tee  amr,    he  never  took  out.     230-12. 
tee  e  amr,    he  took  out.     333-2. 

-an,  -fin,  -am/; ;  to  run,  to  jump.     This  root  is  only  employed 
when  the  subject  is  in  the  plural. 

A)  Past  definite  with  the  form  -an. 
innaxosan,    they  jumped  up.     169-11. 
yaxonan,    they  jumped.     105-10. 

ye  xo  ta  an,    they  ran  in.     153-16,  238-9. 

naxotesan,    they  ran  around.     341-4. 

xa  na  xofi  an,    they  came  up  again.     360-10. 

xotaan,    they  ran  down.     198-4. 

da  na  xo  du  win  an,    they  ran  back.     181-6. 

daxofian,    they  jumped  on.    165-5,  347-18. 

B)  Present  definite  with  the  form  -un. 

ye  xofi  un  hit,    when  they  ran  in.     169-11. 

c)  Indefinite  tenses  with  the  form  -amr. 

noxoamr  h?ril,    they  kept  arriving.     208-1. 
xoteeauH-.    they  run  along.     363-14. 


VOL.  3]    (ioddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  209 

daxooautr,    they  jump  on  him.     195-9. 
tanaxoauir,    they  jump  out.     165-6. 
teiLauir  hirei,    in  the  water  crawl.    311-7. 

-ate:  to  move  in  an  undulating  line.  This  root  is  used  of  a 
pack-train  and  a  herd  of  trotting  elk. 

nil.  ate,    they  came  (with  a  pack-train ).    200-2. 

tei.atc,    a  pack-train  came.    200-1. 

tei.atcei,    they  went  with  a  pack-train.     200-9. 

-eL;  to  have  position.  This  root  is  used  when  the  subject  is 
in  the  plural  under  the  same  circumstances  and  with  the  same 
meaning  as  -ai,  -a,  given  above. 

yawineL,    they  were  sitting  there.     181-8. 

i.enadeeL,    they  were  joined.     347-4. 

LedeeLta,    in  a  corner.     270-5. 

na  na  du  win  eL,    they  stuck  up.     106-14. 

naduwineL,    they  stuck  up.     106-3. 

nin  eL,     (everything)  that  is.     228-2. 

xodewiiieL,    they  were  dead.     181-4. 

xueneL,    they  will  go.     284-1. 

da  na  kin  rieuir  eL,    crosswise  I  lay  them.     247-5. 

tan  eL,    sticking  out.     341-15. 

te  win  eL,    they  stand  out.     283-14. 

tee  yaii  eL,    they  ran  out.     336-2. 

keyanineL,    they  were  leaning  up.     99-6. 

kenineL,    they  were  leaning  up.     235-9. 

kinnodeeL,    they  stick.     363-15. 

-en,  -in ;  to  look.  Verbs  with  the  root  -en,  -in,  express  the  act 
of  seeing  as  voluntary.  Involuntary  seeing  requires  the  root 
-tsis. 

A)  The  past  definite,  customary,  and  impotential  take  the 
form  -en. 

yaxonneLen,    they  looked  at  him.     278-3. 
nayanei.  en,    they  looked.     105-8. 
naneiLen,    she  looked  at.     245-14. 
na  neL  en,    he  looked  back  at.     103-14,  362-10. 
na  xo  de  il  en,    he  watched  him.     202-5. 


210  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

natenen,    he  looked.    97-18. 

xa  natenen,    she  looked  for  them.     300-14. 

xdwesennei,    one  could  see.     120-5. 

xon  ne  iuw;  en,    I  am  accustomed  to  look  at.     138-13. 

da  xo  du  wes  en,    one  could  see.     242-13. 

do  6  na  wes  en  ei,    it  could  not  be  seen.     151-19. 

do  yu  xon  neL  en,    nobody  looked  at  him.    362-7. 

dona  ted  en,    she  did  not  look  around.     136-6. 

do  nel  en,    she  did  not  look  at.     136-7. 

do  he  ya  xon  neL  en,    they  could  not  look  at  him.     139-1. 

do  xo  liii  xon  ne  dil  en,    we  can't  look  at  him.     139-3. 

do  teen,    I  don't  look.    351-8. 

tei  en,    I  looked.    238-4. 

tcex  xot  dit  teL  en,    he  watching  her.     137-10. 

tcin  neL  en,    he  saw.     99-4. 

tcitteen,    he  looked.     165-19. 

tcittesen,    he  looked.     104-4. 

tcitteteen,    he  looked  around.     109-12,  166-2. 

tco  xon  neL  en,    he  looked  at  him.    109-1. 

tco  xot  dit  teL  en,    he  watched  along.     97-10. 

B)   The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  with  the  imperative 
employ  the  form  -in. 

ya  ten  in  hit,    when  they  looked.     104-13. 

min  no  tes  in,    he  is  looking  under  his  arm.    113-1. 

naiwitiiiil,    she  looked.     243-5. 

nayatesin°x,   she  looked.     300-17. 

na  ne  wit  dil  in  iL  te,    we  will  look  at.     216-18. 

na  neL  in  hit,    when  she  looked.     111-10,  294-15. 

na  xot  du  wes  in  te,    I  am  going  to  watch  her.     137-3. 

na  duM;  in,    I  watch.     259-14. 

na  tern^  in  IL  te,    I  will  look  back  from.     230-7. 

na  ten  in  hit,    when  he  looked.     96-11. 

na  ten  in  xo  Ian,    you  looked  it  was.     238-6. 

nateninte,    you  will  look.    356-5. 

neiLin,    I  looked  at.     175-10. 

neiL  in  te,    I  am  going  to  see.     99-3. 

niLin,    look.    356-12. 

nuwnn,    let  me  look.    99-4. 


VOL.  3]    Ooddard. — Morphology  of  the  Htifta  Language.  211 

xonneLinte,    I  can  look  at  him.     138-14. 

dotcu  xon  neLin  tene  wan,    you     can     hardly     look     at. 

138-11. 

teninte,    you  will  look.    140-7. 
tesuiriii,    I  am  going  to  look.     171-2. 
tcit  te  we  in  il,    he  looked  about  as  he  went  along.    317-4. 
tcit  ten  in  hit,    when  he  looked.     119-16. 
tcittesin,    one  does  (not)  look.     237-9. 

-en,  -in;  to  do,  to  act,  to  deport  one's  self. 

A)  The  past,  customary,  and  impotential  have  the  form  -en. 
aiLenka,    the  way  they  do  it.     227-2. 

aikyuwen,    I  will  do.     230-16. 
maakiLenneen.    their  doings.     361-11. 
mal  yeox  a  IL  en,    he  took  care  of.     346-4. 

B)  Present  and  future  tenses  with  the  form  -in. 
aiLinneen,     (dogs)  used  to  chase.     322-5. 

a  iL  in  te.    they  will  do.     266-13. 

aikiLinte,    when  it  happens.     217-6. 

ai  kit  in  xo  sin,     (bears)  did  that.     223-4. 

xa  ai  ya  XOL  in  flx,    they  did  that  with  him.     211-5. 

xa  a  iL  in  te,    that  will  be  done.     203-8. 

xaayaiLiii°x,    they  did  that.     105-10. 

xaaldLinte,    that  way  they  will  do.     211-15. 

-iu»r;  to  drop,  to  fall  in  drops  as  rain, 
nailimr,     (tears)  dropping.     337-14. 
naol  (i)uir,    which  drops  first.     115-12. 
nal(i)u?rte,     (its  blood)  will  drop.     115-13. 
na  nal  de  iuff,     (water)  dripping  off.     337-5. 
da  nal  iuu?  din,    it  dropped  place.    338-4. 

-its;  to  shoot  an  arrow. 

yaxofiits,    he  shot.     166-8. 

yi  kit  te  its,    he  can  shoot.     144-12. 

yoeits,    he  shot  at.     157-11. 

nai  ke  its,    to  shoot  at  a  mark.     305-2. 

nakisits,    they  shot  at  a  mark.     266-13. 

hjns  sa  kin  its,    my  mouth  shoot  in.     118-13. 


212  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

xa  kin  its,    it  shoot  up.     158-7. 

xo  sa  kin  its,    in  his  mouth  he  shot.     118-14. 

tekeitste,    I  will  shoot  in.     112-9. 

te  kin  its,    he  shot  it  in.     112-10. 

tcoyanits,    they  began  to  shoot.     144-12. 

-its;  to  wander  about,  to  run  around, 
na  IL  its,    it  is  running1  around.     294-4. 
na  IL  its  Qx,    he  ran  around.    185-10. 
na  is  its,    different  places  she  ran.     185-6. 
nanaxits,    running  around.     295-10. 
nasitsei,    it  ran  around.     294-3. 

-iit;  to  move  flat  flexible  objects.  This  root  is  one  of  those 
which  classify  the  object  affected.  It  is  employed  of  buckskin, 
cloth,  and  paper.  The  root  -kyos  given  below  is  more  frequently 
used  and  has  the  same  meaning. 

noninut,    he  threw  it.     112-3. 

te  wa  iit  te,    in  the  water  I  will  throw.     111-17. 

-ya;  to  stand  on  one's  feet  (used  only  in  the  plural).  Com 
pare  -yen,  -yin,  below. 

da  de  il  ya,    they  stand  around.     195-7. 
tenadeilya,    in  the  water  they  stand.     310-4. 

-yai,  -ya,  -yauw ;  to  go,  to  come,  to  travel  about.  This  verb  is 
used  only  in  the  singular  and  for  the  most  part  of  human  beings 
but  sometimes  of  animals  and  things. 

A)  The  past  definite  tense  employs  the  form  -yai. 
in  ta  na  wit  yai,    he  turned  back.     102-12,  104-2. 
yaninyai,    he  walked.     138-15. 
yanyai,    the  sun  was  up.     308-3. 
yatesyai,    he  went  away.     360-4. 
(hwedeai)ye  win  yai,    into  my  head  it  came   (I  heard). 

246-7. 

ye  na  wit  yai,    he  went  in.     98-15. 
(hwedeai)  yenatyai,    my  head  it  came  to.     356-15. 
ye  tcu  win  yai,    he  went  in.    97-3. 
yi  man  tu  win  yai,    he  was  lost  across.     97-8. 
yi  de  tu  win  yai,    he  was  lost  north.     342-9. 


VOL.  31     (ioddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hitpa  Language.  213 

i.enaindlyai.    he  completed  the  circuit.     220-8. 

menuisdlyai,    he  climbed.     103-12. 

me  nun  dl  yai,    years  (it  came  against).     145-7. 

minyai,    it  was  nearly  time.     286-6. 

mittiiktcuyai,    between  he  got  in.     108-15. 

naindlyai,    he  got  back.     121-16. 

nawrdlyai.     I  have  come.     145-10. 

na  na  in  d!  yai,    he  came  back  across.     103-11. 

nanawityai,    he  came  down.     138-15. 

nanatyai,     (the  sun)  had  gone  down.    202-9. 

nanifiyai,    he  crossed.     119-17. 

nan  yai,    it  rained.     144-5. 

naditteyai,     (the  ground)  opened  up.     143-17. 

natesdlyai,    he  went  home.     97-17. 

neiyai,    I  came.     140-14. 

nitta  na  wit  yai,    he  turned  back.     270-11. 

non  yai,    it  went  down.     348-3. 

xaisyai,    he  came  up.     105-1. 

xanaisdlyai,    he  came  back  up.     100-2. 

xor.yatesyai,    with  them  he  went.     208-15. 

xot  da  win  yai,    he  went.     272-3. 

xotdafiyai,    it  went  down.     281-1. 

xot  de  is  yai,    he  met  him.     105-14. 

xo  tcii  win  yai,    he  came  down.     104-12. 

do  vena  wit  yai,    he  did  not  come  in.    238-12. 

do  naindlyai,    he  did  not  come  back.     306-2. 

do  he  tee  niii  yai,    he  did  not  come  out.     162-13. 

doxolin  nuiiyai,    you  may  not  live.     257-9. 

do  xwe  de  ai  ye  nat  yai,    she  never  heard.     307-15. 

do  tee  mil  yai,    she  never  went  out.     158-3. 

djenyai.    it  opened.     108-11. 

tana  isdiyai,    he  came  out  of  it  again.    314-6. 

tasyai,    they  have  left.     271-2. 

teseyai,    I  went  away.     353-6. 

tesyai,     (its  sound)  went  along.     348-5. 

tu  win  yai,    he  was  lost.     122-1. 

tcena  in  dlyai,    he  came  out  again.     102-13. 

tee  neiyai,    1  have  gone  out.     99-14. 


214  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  ETH. 

tceninyai,    he  went  out.     97-16. 
tcittesyai,    he  started.     96-10. 
keisyai,    he  climbed.     137-17. 
kiLdjexanyai,    they  fought.     165-5,  171-11. 

B)   The  present  definite,  the  first  and  third  persons  impera 
tive  and  all  verbs  employing  suffixes  take  the  form  -ya. 

in  ta  na  wit  ya  te,    he  would  turn  back.     187-4. 

yeweyate,    I  will  go.    246-4,  314-3. 

ye  win  ya,    (she  saw)  come  in.    305-8. 

(xoideai)    yewinya,    his  head  it  has  gone  in    (he  has 

heard).     355-8. 

ye  win  ya  ye  xo  lun,    a  person  had  gone  in.     118-5 
ye  na  wit  ya  hit,    when  he  went  in.     118-6. 
yenawityate,    she  will  go  in.     311-15. 
yetcuwinya,    they  came  in.    231-8. 
ye  tcu  win  ya  hit,    when  she  went  in.     246-5. 
winyaL,    come  on.     170-12. 
winyalxdM;,    where  you  came  along.     120-14. 
Lenaindlyate  sillen,    he  got  nearly  around.     220-6. 
Linyate,    they  will  come  together.     295-1. 
naindiyayei,    he  came  back.    98-6. 
nana  is  yayei,    he  went  back  over.     117-6. 
naninyayei,    she  crossed  over.     135-6. 
na  no  di  ya,    let  it  come  back.     233-5. 
nanunya,    go  back.     187-6. 
nasete,  (naseyate),    I  will  go.    137-14. 
na  tes  di  ya  yei,  he  arrived.    104-3. 
nates  diyate,    I  will  go  back.     117-14. 
natindiyane,    go  home.     337-18. 
nei  ya,      I  might  go.    203-15. 
neyate,    I  am  going.     348-15. 
nir.teseyate,    I  will  go  with  you.     187-4. 
ninyayete,    it  will  come.     307-12. 
niiiyade,    if  they  come.     334-10. 
ninyate,    it  will  reach.     151-15. 
no  nun  diyate,    in  one  place  they  will  stay.     259-17. 
nun  di  ya  te,    it  will  come  back.     307-9. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  215 

xaisyadin,    he  got  up  place.    272-2. 

xa  na  is  di  ya  hit,    when  he  came  up.     210-12. 

xowiiiyai.,    go  along.    854-3. 

xolufi  tceninya,    he  must  have  arrived.     209-1. 

xot  da  win  ya  yei,    she  went  down.     99-8. 

dana  dii  wityayei,    it  went  back.     234-4. 

do  ne  ya  h/run,    I  can't  stay.     348-10. 

d5  tcit  tes  ya  te   sil  len,     he   did   not   feel   like   going   on. 

281-3. 

tasya  ye  xolufi,    they  had  gone.     267-14. 
tasyahfrun,    one  ought  to  go  away.    215-8. 
teseyate,    I  am  going  away.     229-9. 
tesyate,     (dawn)  is  about  to  come.     241-1. 
tiiwinyayei,    he  got  lost.     348-17. 
tee  na  in  di  ya  hit,    when  she  went  down.     325-8. 
tceneyate,    I  will  go  out.    332-8. 
tee  niii  ya  ne,    you  must  go  out.     242-1. 
tcin  nin  ya  yei,    he  came.     97-1. 
tcin  niii  ya  ne  en,    he  used  to  come.    306-7. 
tcit  tes  ya  yei,    she  went.     98-13. 

tcit  tes  ya  ye  xo  Ian,    he  was  walking  along  he  saw.  185-13. 
tcit  tes  ya  din,    he  started  place.     348-9. 
keisyayei,    she  climbed  up.    137-12. 
kissa  wifiyate,    he    will     go    into    somebody's     mouth. 

257-5. 

c)  The  indefinite  tenses  have  the  form  -y&nic. 
yeiiiyamr,    they  always  go  in.     305-9. 
mittukinyautr,    get  in.     108-9. 
ninyaiur,    go.     354-3. 

xot  da  ke  I  yau/r,    they  came  down  the  hill.     310-6. 
tekelyamr  hirei,   they  go  in.     311-2. 
teen  ya  hiciL  te,   you  will  go.     356-8. 
kittlyamc,    they  came.    98-3. 

The  following  words  have  a  root  agreeing  in  meaning  with 
-yai  and  -ya  above,  but  differing  in  its  treatment.  All  but  the 
impotential  have  the  form  -ya,  the  impotential  has  the  form 
-yai,  and  -yauir  is  not  found. 


216  University  of  California  Publications.  [Air.  ARCH.  ETH. 

a  du  wun  xo  kyun  na  i  ya,     about     herself     she     thought. 

286-5. 

wunnaiya,    he  worked  on  it.     226-2. 
wunnaisya,    he  started  to  make.     362-14. 
wun  na  is  ya  xo  lun,    he  had  fixed.     170-10. 
wun  xoi  kyun  na  I  ya,    she  began  to  think  about  it.    276-4. 
wun  xoi  kyun  na  nanya,    he    began    to    think    about    it. 

294-4,  117-12. 
(xoi  kyun)  meoiya,    we    can    make    them    think    about. 

242-16. 
(xoi  kyun)  me  nun  diyate,    his    mind    will    think    about. 

314-9. 

(xoi  kyun)  minyate,    his  mind  will  corne  to.     230-9. 
naeiya,    it  used  to  rain.     229-2. 
na  I  ya,    he  used  to  go.     135-2. 
naiyadin,    where  I  live.     231-5. 
naisya,    he  walked  around.     157-9,  190-13. 
na  is  ya  te,    he  goes.    307-13. 
na  wiii  ya  yei  din,    he  had  lived  time.    336-7. 
nanaiyate,    I  am  going  to  live.    218-2. 
na  na  is  ya  e  xo  Ian,    she  could  walk.     276-11. 
(xoi  kyun)  na  nanya,    he  studied  again.     103-2. 
na  na  sin  ya  te,    you  will  be.     353-8. 
nanya,    it  rains.     229-3. 
(xoi kyun)  nanya,    he  studied.     102-17. 
nasinyate,    you  will  travel.     356-2. 
nasyayei,    it  commenced  to  walk.     136-9. 
ke  ket  na  I  ya,    made  a  creaking  noise.     290-9. 

-yau,  -ya;  to  do,  to  follow  a  line  of  action,  or  to  be  in  a  con 
dition  or  plight. 

A)   The  past  tense  has  the  form  -yau. 
a  it  yau  xo  lun,    he  was  tired.     346-10. 
au?f  di  yau,    I  did.    325-17,  276-5. 
anaidlyau,    we  do  this.     361-9. 
a  nauw;  di  yau,    I  did  it.     325-12,  282-5. 
anadiyau,    it  did  that.     244-11. 
a  nun  di  yau,    it  did  this.    326-6,  275-1. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard.— Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          217 

adiyauwei,    it  is  eomintr.     104-14. 

And!  yau,    you  did.     257-8,  337-0. 

xa  a  it,  yan,    he  did  that.     98-8. 

xa  ana  it  van,    he  did  that  way.     255-9. 

xaadiyan,    it  did  that.     244-14,  337-17. 

xaatcityau,    that  he  did.    280-12. 

daxonnatcit  yau,    that  lie  was  dead.     226-5. 

da  xwed  dafia  diyau.    what  is  it  jroing  to  do.     270-6. 

do  xa  un  di  yau,   you  don't  do  that.     343-13. 
B)  The  present  tense  employs  the  form  -ya. 

aityade,    if  he  does.    348-7. 

uu/rdlya,    I  mi^ht  manage  it.     101-11. 

aujrdiyate,    how  am  I  <roin^  to  do?     257-14,  275-5. 

adiyate,    it  will  he.     200-18. 

atcitya,    he  is  doinjr.    204-14. 

undiyate,    what  will  you  do?    266-4. 

xadlyate,    it  will  do  that,    254-10. 

xa  a  it  ya  xo  Ian,    the  same  he  found  he  was.     346-7. 

xaauirdlyate,    I  am  goiu^  to  do.     202-8. 

xaadiyateL,    that  way  it  will  be.    341-16. 

xoi  kyun  tcwin  dan  ya  de,    if  his  stomaeh  is  spoiled.  348-7. 

xolfmadiya,    it  has  happened.    361-6. 

xo  laii  a  di  ya  tei.,    it  would  do.    234-11. 

daxoa  dlyaxolan,    he  was  dead  they  found  out.  175-11. 

da  xo  un  a  di  ya  te,    they  will  die.     217-16. 

duw  di  ya,    I  am  in  the  condition.     355-10. 

-yan,  -yu.fi,  -yauir;  to  eat. 

A)   The  past  definite,  customary,  and  impotential  have  the 
form  -yan. 

yaiwifiyau,    they  ate  them.     200-8. 
yaixoilyan,   they  always  eat  him.     195-10. 
ya  win  yan,    they  ate  it.    266-12. 
ye  I  yan,   they  eat  them.     195-9. 
yinneLyannei,    it  ate  it  up.    347-18. 
yik  kyu  win  yan,    it  ate.     319-7. 
yik  kyu  win  yan  ne  he,    even  if  he  eats.    267-3. 
yu  win  yan,    she  ate  it.    319-5. 

AM.  ARCH.  ETH.  3, 15. 


218  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

noininyanne,   that  far  they  ate.     347-17. 

nokinninyan,    he  finished.     209-12. 

da  yi  kin  yan  e  xo  lun,    (a  mouse)  has  chewed  up.  153-15. 

dokeyan,    I  don't  eat.     351-7. 

dokyan,    she  didn't  eat.     157-2. 

do  kyu  we  bican,  *   I  don't  eat.    355-15. 

do  kyu  wit  yan,    without  eating.     226-4. 

tee  kin  nifi  yan,    they  came  out  to  eat.     98-2. 

tcinneLyan,    he  ate  up.    111-5. 

tcu  win  yan  ne,    he  has  eaten.    311-11. 

ke  T  yan,    he  used  to  eat.     237-6. 

kin  nin  yan  nei,    they  came  to  feed.     180-13. 

kitteyannei,    they  fed  about.    98-4. 

kyu  win  yan,    he  ate  it.    120-10,  98-18. 

B)   The  present  tense,  definite  and  indefinite,  and  the  impera 
tive  have  the  form  -yun. 

ya  te  yuii  xo  Kin,    they  had  eaten.     100-17. 

yu  win  yun  hwun  te,    he  must  eat.     233-2. 

yuwinyunte,    she  will  eat  them.     253-8,  100-14. 

na  kin  yun,    eat  again.    192-7,153-9. 

na  kyu  win  yun  te,   you  will  eat.    356-3. 

nit  tcu  win  yun  de,    if  she  eats  you.    266-7. 

xo  yu  win  yun  te,    if  she  eats  them.     253-7. 

da  kin  yun  te,    to  chew  off.     151-9. 

tcu  WTI  yuri  il  he,    even  if  he  eat.     233-3. 

tcu  win  yun  sil  len  te,    he  eats  it  seems.    233-3. 

tcu  win  yun  teL  de,    he  would  eat.    267-17. 

keiyun,    I  might  eat.    98-13. 

keiyunte,    I  am  going  to  eat.    97-15. 

kin  yuii,    eat  it.    166-6. 

kin  yun  tsit,    eat  first.    332-6. 

kyoyml,    eat.    192-2. 

kyu  win  yun  il,   you  ate  along.    121-1. 

kyu  wit  di  yun  te,    we  shall  eat.     190-5. 

kyu  liMTin  il,    I  ate  along.     120-16. 


1  The  syllable  -hwan  is  apparently  formed  by  carrying  over  the  sign  of 
the  first  person  singular  -\nv  and  contracting  it  with  -yan. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          219 

c)   The  following  seem  to  be  from  this  root. 
menai  y!  yau»r,    they  eat  it  down.     356-18. 
menaiyiyamrexolan,    it  will  be  eaten  down.     356-11. 
dokittiyanir,    they  never  went  out  to  feed.     1)7-11. 
kittelyau/r,    they  came  to  feed.     310-10. 

-yan,  -yun;  to  live,  to  pass  through  life.  This  is  no  doubt 
a  derived  meaning,  the  meaning  on  which  it  is  based  has  not 
been  discovered. 

A)  The  past  tense  has  the  form  -van. 

xoi  na  xo  wil  yan,    he  came  to  his  senses.     118-16. 
do  xoi  nes  yan,    he  did  not  raise  it.    2S2-4. 
tsisdiyan,    he  was  old.     169-2. 
tcis  di  yan  ne  te,    she  may  live  to  be  old.    325-13. 

B)  The  present  tense  has  tlte  form  -yun. 
nai  ke  yun  te,    they  will  grow.     296-4. 
niLxotyiinte,    it  will  be  easy  for  you  to  get.    357-7. 
do  xwe  xo  wil  yun  te,    he  will  be  crazy.    307-10. 
tediyunte,    he  will  live  to  old  age.    227-7. 

kin  ne  so  yun  te,    may  you  grow  to  be  men.     238-13. 
doxo  di  yun  htrfifi,    there  won't  be  many.     308-6. 

-yan,  -yun;  to  spy  upon,  to  watch,  to  observe  with  suspicion. 

A)  The   past,   customary,   and   impotcntial   tenses   have   the 
form  -yan. 

wut  na  ya  xo  wil  yan,    they  watched.     267-10. 

xoi  ye  xoi  I  yan,    she  suspected  her.     158-3. 

xo  wiittcu  xo  wesyan,    he  watched  her.     137-8. 

B)  The  present  has  the  form  -yun. 

xo  writ  xo  wes  yun  te,    I  will  watch  her.    137-7. 

-ye ;  to  dance.  Verbs  with  this  root  seem  to  carry  the  generic 
meaning  of  dancing,  while  special  kinds  of  dances  are  referred 
to  by  words  with  roots  specifying  the  particular  acts  performed 
as:  tciLtuL,  "he  kicks,"  tcii.  waL,  "he  shakes  a  stick.7' 

na  du  wil  ye,    they  danced  again.     215-13. 

do  Lye,    dance.    222-13. 

tcitdilye,    to  dance.     117-8. 

tcit  dil  ye  ax,   they  danced.    216-7. 


220  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

tcit  du  wil  ye  ei,   they  danced.    216-16. 
tcit  du  wil  ye  iL  te,    they  will  dance.     117-9. 
tcit  dil  ye  te.    there  will  be  a  dance.    203-8. 

-yeiitr;  to  rest. 

na  wil  yeuir,  he  rested.    119-14. 
naLyemtf,  rest.    280-5. 

na  tcil  yeuM-  sa  an  din,    resting  place.     363-3. 
natcilyeuwdin,    the  resting  place.    347-3. 

-yeuw ;  to  rub,  to  knead. 

i,e  ye  tcu  win  yemr,    he  jammed  in.     143-10. 
tee  wiii  yeu?e,    she  rubbing  them.     301-5. 

-yen,  -yin  ;*  to  stand  on  one 's  feet. 

A)  The  past  definite  and  the  customary  have  the  form  -yen. 
winyennei,    he  was  able  to  stand.    220-11. 
metsisyen.    who  stands  in.     195-11. 

na.  win  yen,    he  stood.     106-3. 

tee  I  yen,   he  always  stands.    207-6,  332-9. 

tcu  win  yen,    he  stood.    109-11,203-5. 

B)  The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  and  the  imperative 
have  the  form  -yin. 

tee  I  yin  hit,    when  he  stands.    258-1. 

-yets;  to  entangle,  to  tie  strings  together. 

Le  kin  nil,  yets  te,    (lice)     to     tie     together     (the     hair). 
151-10. 

-yd;  to  like,  to  love,  to  be  pleased  with  anything, 
hm-yo,    I  like.    230-16. 
yit  du  wes  yd  te,    it  will  like.    311-10. 
wes  sil  yo  ne  en,    whom  you  used  to  like.     307-16. 
hai  da  tcu  wes  yo,    more  yet  he  likes.     340-13. 
do  wes  yd,    I  don't  like.    233-6,231-8. 
do  tcu  wes  yo,    he  did  not  like.    96-7,  231-8. 
tee  il  yo,    he  liked  it.    202-5. 
tcuwesyote,    he  shall  like.    307-11. 


1  There  is  a  giotal  stop  in  this  root  between  the  vowels  and  the  nasals 
which  are  surds. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  221 

-yo/r ;  to  flow,  to  scatter. 

na  kis  yotc  htrei,    it  flowed  in  a  circle.    100-11. 

noiklyfnr  din,    as  far  as  it  goes.    311-6. 

no  kin  nin  yfwr,    they  were  scattered  about.     145-3. 

d5 he  xa  kin  yo»r,    it  did  not  come  out   (said  of  water). 

105-5. 
kitteyo»r,    it  flowed  out.     100-11. 

-yol,  -vol.;  to  blow  with  the  breath. 

A)  The  past  tenses  have  the  form  -yol. 
xeeii.  yol,    he  blows  away.     296-15. 

B)  The  present  tense  has  the  form  -VOL. 
yetcilyoi.,    she  blows  in. 

-yos;  to  draw  something  long  out  of  a  narrow  space,  to 
stretch. 

tee  nin  yos,    he  pulled  out.  118-10. 

tcitteyos,    she  stretched  it.  158-13. 

-yot;  to  chase,  to  bark  after.     Said  of  dogs, 
yeyinneyot,    it  drove  by  barking.    321-5. 
min  no  kin  ne  yot  dei,    it  barked.    322-13. 
min  noi  kin  ne  yot  dei,    they  barked.     321-4. 
xa  in  i. in  net  yot  dei,    they  chased  each  other.     115-10. 
tee  min  nin  ydt  dei,    he  drove  out  a  deer.     217-16. 

-wai,  -wa  :  to  go,  to  go  about.  This  root  is  only  used  in  the 
third  person  singular.  It  corresponds  to  -ga  in  the  other 
Athapascan  dialects. 

A)  The  im potential   reyularhj  lias  the  form   -wai,  and  it  is 
found  in  the  example  given  below  where  its  appearance  is  un 
explained. 

dowunnawai,    he  never  had  done.    321-3. 

B)  All  but  the  impotential  have  the  form  -wa. 
wunnawaneen.    going  after  used  to.     157-10. 
na  wa,    they  were  there.    209-3. 

nawaux,    he  stayed.     166-14. 
na  wa  ye,    he  went.    230-2,  231-9. 
dona  wa,    nobody  going  about.     166-2. 
donawate,    he  will  not  live.    257-11. 


222  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

-wau/r :  to  talk,  to  make  a  noise.  This  root  is  usually  em 
ployed  with  a  plural  subject.  It  is  applicable  to  the  noise  of 
animals  as  well  the  confused  noise  of  the  conversation  of 
people. 

me  ya  du  wil  wauw,    they  began  to  talk  about  it.     265-1. 

me  dil  wauw,    they  talked  about.     340-5. 

me  dil  wamr  din,    they  talk  about  place.     340-4. 

me  dil  wamc  ta,    they  talked  about  places.     340-12. 

xoi  du  wil  wauw/%    they  talked  about  him.    116-14. 

dil  wauw.'  tsu,    he  heard  croak.    112-12. 

tcit  dil  WRUM?  tsu,    talking  they  heard.     170-16. 

-wal,  -waL ;  to  shake  a  dance  stick,  to  dance. 

A)  The  past  definite,  customary  and  impotential  have  the 
form  -wal. 

tee  IL  wal,    they  danced.     239-3. 

B)  The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  and  the  imperative 
have  the  form  -waL. 

SCL  waL  te,    I  am  going  to  shake  a  stick.    238-7. 

tciLwaLQx,    they  danced.    238-10. 

tciL  waL  win  te,   they  always  danced.     239-2. 

-waL,  -wul,  -WUL  ;  to  strike,  to  throw,  to  scatter. 

A)   The  definite  tenses  employ  the  form  -waL. 
yawiLwaL,    he  threw.     362-8. 
ye  na  XOL  waL,    he  threw  him.    106-13. 
Le  nun  du  waL,    it  shut.    108-16. 
mewiLwaL,    he  beat  on.    315-1. 

miL  xot  da  kii>  waL,    with  she  dropped  down.     189-11. 
na  ya  du  wil  waL,    they    were    scattered    about.      109-13, 

192-17,  170-11. 

naneLwaL,    he  struck.    163-17. 
nadeLwaL,    he  put  it.    114-5. 

naditteLwaL,    she  emptied  down.     192-12,  109-16. 
xaxowilwaL,    "  Dug-f rom-the-ground. "     138-9. 
xeewiLwaL,    she  threw  away.     189-11. 
xeenakiLwaL,    he  threw  her  away.    308-9. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Ilupa  Language.          223 

xeeduwaLei,    (feathers1)      disappear      over      the      hill. 

208-17. 

xoi.  i.e  nun  du  waL  ei,    with  him  it  shut.     109-5. 
danadeLwaL,    he  poured  it.     281-17. 
dexdtdii.  waL,    he  threw  him  in  the  fire.     120-8. 
djetwaL,    it  opened.     281-17. 

ta  na  is  waL  ei,    he  threw  it  out  of  the  water.    217-17. 
tcit  du  WIL  waL  ei,    she  knocked  off.     159-11. 
tee  xo  teL  waL,    he  pulled  him.     KMJ-17. 
tciiweswaL,    he  lay  (like  a  lojr).     112-16. 

B)    The  customary  and  impotential  have  the  form  -will. 
ya.ii.  wul,    she  always  clubs  them.     196-1. 

c)  The  present  indefinite  and  imperative  have  the  form 
-WUL. 

naadii.wuL,    hurry  (throw  yourself).    354-3. 

nil.  yai  kyodu  WUL,    with  you  let  it  seesaw.     107-17. 

-wan,  -nan,  -wuii,  -nun;  to  sleep.  This  root  usually  appears 
in  the  form  of  -nan  or  -nun,  w  following  n  of  the  preceding 
syllable  of  the  definite  tenses  beinj?  assimilated  to  it.  In  the 
cases  in  which  the  initial  of  the  syllable  is  not  recorded,  it 
probably  escaped  the  ear.  The  verbs  making  use  of  this  root 
require  that  the  persons  affected  appear  as  the  object.  The 
subject  of  the  verbs,  never  expressed,  is  probably  the  mythical 
miL  found  in  the  word  mir.na  xo  wii.  we,  "he  felt  sleepy" 
(sleep  fought  with  him).  121-5. 

A)  The  past  definite  has  the  forms  -wan,  -nan. 
na  xoi  kyu  win  an,    he  went  to  sleep.     121-9. 
xoi  kyu  wiii  an,    he  went  to  sleep.     121-7. 
xo  kyu  win  nan,    he  went  to  sleep.     203-1. 
kyu  win  nan  xo  Ian,    he  went  to  sleep.    347-1. 
xoikkyuwinan,    he  went  to  sleep.     113-8. 

B)  The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  and  the  imperative 
have  the  forms  -wuii,  -nun. 

nikkyowun,    £O  to  sleep.     294-5. 

nik  kyu  win  nun  te,    you  will  pro  to  sleep.     252-11. 

hirik  kyo  wuii,    I  am  froinpr  to  sleep.     121-6. 


224  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  ETH. 

-was ;  to  shave  off,  to  whittle. 1 

noninfias,    he  whittled  it  down.     197-8. 
tcuwirinas,    he  scraped  bark  off.     347-12. 

-wat,  -wa ;  to  shake  itself,  said  of  a  dog. 

a  nai  du  win  wat,   he  shook  himself.     115-7. 
anaiduwa,    he  is  shaking  himself. 

-weL,  -wil, -WIL;  the  passing  of  night.  Verbs  with  this  root 
are  often  found  with  a  direct  personal  object,  having  the  mean 
ing  that  the  person  named  or  indicated  has  passed  the  night  in 
the  place  or  under  the  circumstances  mentioned;  When  the 
verbs  are  employed  without  an  object  they  indicate  the  lapse 
of  time.  The  subject  of  this  verb  has  not  been  discovered,  but 
seems  to  be  darkness. 

A)  The  definite  tenses  have  the  form  -weL. 
yl  de  yal  weL,    they  spent  a  night.    200-9. 
yit  del  weL,    they  spent  the  night.     280-10. 
wil  weL,    (at)  dark.     137-15,  142-8. 

wil  weL  miL,    after  night.     238-8. 
wil  weL  hit,    after  night.     300-17. 
wil  weL  difi,    at  night.     142-9. 
min  nol  weL  miL,    it  was  midnight.     293-2. 
hw/elweLte,    I  will  spend  the  night.     348-2. 
xoi  yal  weL,    they  camped.     175-6,  200-7. 
xoi  nal  weL,    he  stayed  over  night.    121-3. 
xoinateLweL,   they  camped.     116-7. 
xoiteLweL,    they  spent  the  night.    198-12,361-16. 
XOL  xwel  weL,    he  stayed  over  night.    98-12. 
xwel  weL,    he  spent  the  night.  280-10,  361-15. 
do  ne  hel  weL  te,   you  may  stay.     176-1. 

B)  The  customary  and  impotential  have  the  form  -wil. 
e  il  wil,    all  day.    275-2. 

eilwil,    every  day.    150-7. 

e  il  wil  miL,    in  a  day.     336-7. 

xoi  yal  wil  lil,    they  camped  along.    179-12. 


1  Forms  with  the  initial  w  of  the  root  appear  whenever  it  is  not  pre 
ceded  by  n.     Such  forms  do  not  happen  to  appear  in  Hupa  Texts. 


VOL.  31    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          225 

xoiyal  williL  ta,    they  had  camped.     181-7. 

xoi  nayal  wil  lil,   they  camped  along.     181-6. 

dedeilluwil,    it  begins  to  be  dark.    356-10. 

do  xo  lin  hteil  wil,    I  will  not  stay  over  night.    176-1. 

c)  The  present  indefinite  and  the  imperative  have  the  form 
-wiL,  but  the}/  do  not  occur  in  Hupa  Texts. 

-wen,  -win,  -we;  to  kill.  This  root  furnishes  the  generic 
verbs  for  the  killing  of  man  or  beasts.  Other  verbs  indicate  the 
manner  of  killing,  as  shooting  or  stabbing. 

A)  The  past  definite  lias  the  form  -wen. 
yaxoseLwen,    they  killed  him.     171-12. 
yissetei.  wen  nei,    he  commenced  to  kill.     136-10. 
tee  xf>  sei,  wen,    he  killed  her.     164-11. 

tee  se i.  wen.    he  killed.    136-11. 

tcisseteL wenexolan.    he  had  killed  he  saw.     186-7. 

B)  The  present  indefinite  has  the  form  -win. 
ne  se  SCL  win  te,    I  will  kill  you.    151-2. 
hfrittsin  tse  win  tun,    I  have  been  killed.     119-1. 

xo  lun  ne  SCL  win,    (the  load)  has  worn  you  out.     105-16. 
xo  se  seL  win  te,    I  will  kill  him.     150-11,163-10. 
seseL white,    I  wrill  kill  it.     162-7. 
tcis  SCL  win  detc,    if  he  kills.    139-5. 
tcis  SCL  win  te,    he  will  kill.     311-16. 

c)   The  indefinite  tenses  have  the  form  -we. 
yaxosiLwe,   they  might  kill  him.     278-5. 
yisseiLwe,   he  killed.    136-13. 
mil.  na  xo  WIL  we,    he  felt  sleepy  (mil,  fought  with  him). 

121-5. 

xo  SUIT  we,    let  me  kill  him.    159-8. 
xo  dje  yu  wiL  we,   she  loved   him    (her  heart   fought  for 

him).     157-12. 

do  xo  lin  no  siL  we,   you  can't  kill  us.     165-7. 
tsissiLwe,    he  killed  one.    319-4. 
tee  hicis  su  wiL  WCL  de,    if  he  kills  me.     114-3. 
tcisseiLweei,    she  had  killed.    333-5. 
tcissiLwe,    he  killed.     106-4. 


226  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  ETH. 

-wen   (-en),  -win   (-in),  -wuw,  -we,  -wel,  -weL;  to  carry  on 
the  back,  with  or  without  a  burden  basket. 

A)  The  past  definite  requires  the  form  -wen  (-en). 
yayakifien,    they  packed  up.     164-4. 
yawinen,    she  carried.     210-4. 
yanawifien,    she  carried.    172-1. 
yanakiiien,    he  packed  up.    238-3. 
yakinwenne,    he  had  carried  it  off.    163-4. 
ye  kin  en,    he  brought  in.    192-3. 
xayakiswen,    they  carried  it  up.     164-5. 

xa  Ids  wen,    he  had  carried  it.     166-4. 
tatciswen,    he  carried  out.    120-10. 
tcinnifien,    she  brought.     137-15. 
kin  nin  en,    he  brought  it.     97-14. 

B)  The  present  definite  has  the  form  -win  (-in). 
tcin  nin  win  detc,    if  he  will  bring.     137-5. 

c)   The  present  tense  indefinite,  customary,,  and  impotential 
have  the  form  -wiiif. 

yaawuw,    he  always  takes  on  his  back.     195-6. 

yanakeuwm/*,    he  used  to  pack  up.    237-7. 

ya  ke  wuw  hzrei,    he  used  to  carry  it  away.     162-4. 

yakinwuw,    carry  it.    105-18. 

na  ne  it  wm/;,    he  used  to  carry  it  back.    237-8. 

ne  iuw  wuw  din,    I  bring  place.     137-5. 

nouwuw,    he  put  down.    237-5. 

da  yit  de  wuw  hirei,    he  always  carries  it  off.    162-7. 

tcin  ne  u  wuiv,    she  always  brought  back.     137-1,  195-7. 

tcin  nu  wuw  win  te,    she  always  brought.     157-2. 

D)  The  third  person  of  the  imperative  and,  it  would  seem 
from  the  following  example,  sometimes  the  present  indefinite 
has  the  form  -we. 

na  kyu  we  xo  win  sen,    they  brought  home.     145-4. 

E)  The  following  verbs  have  the  form  -we  plus  the  suffix 

-1,   -L. 

ya  ke  wel,    someone  carrying  loads.     110-3. 
nanakiswel,    he  arranged  again.     106-7. 
tee  wel,    he  was  carrying.     106-4. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Ilupa  Language. 

tee  wei.  ne  en,    they  were  carrying.    110-0. 

kewelle,   someone  carrying  a  load  along.     105-14,  10(5-4. 

-wen,  -win,  -wfur,  -we:  to  move  fire,  to  wave  fire. 

A)  The  past  definite  lias  the  form  -wen  (-en). 

dated  win  en,    he  put  fire  on  it  (he  lit  his  pipe).     119-15. 
tcittetewen,    she  waved  (fire).    242-12. 

B)  The.  present  definite  has  the  form  -win  (-in),  but  it  does 
not  happen  to  occur  in  Hit  pa  Texts. 

c)  The  customary,  impotent  ial  and  sometimes  the  present 
indefinite,  and  the  second  person  of  the  imperative  have  the 
form  -wfur.  Xone  of  them  occur  in  Ilupa  Texts. 

D)  The  third  person  of  the  imperative  and  sometimes  the 
present  indefinite  have  the  form  -we. 

xon  naiur  we,    fire  I  wave.    248-2. 

-wis :  to  twist,  to  rotate,  to  dodge  by  rotating  the  body. 

a  du  wun  ya  teL  wis,    for    themselves    they    were    afraid 

(they  dodged).     179-10. 

yekii.  wis,    he  bored  a  hole  (with  a  drill).     197-3. 
do  a  dfi  wiin  tel  wis  he,    don't  be  frightened.     356-2. 
tcit  dfi  wii.  wis,    he  rolled  between  his  hands.     197-4. 

-lai.  -la.  -Ifur;  to  move  or  transfer  a  number  of  objects.  By 
means  of  a  change  of  the  root,  as  has  been  said  before,  the 
objects  moved  or  transferred  are  classified  according  to  their 
shape  and  size.  This  statement  applies  only  to  single  objects. 
When  several  objects,  of  the  same  class,  or  of  different  classes 
are  affected,  the  root  employed  is  -lai. 

A)   The  past  definite  has  the  form  -lai. 

yanawillai,    she  picked  it  (a  bundle)  up.    307-6. 

yasillai,    they  were  there.     180-3. 

yeyaxolai,    they  took  them.     179-12. 

yetcuwillai,    he  took  them  in.    301-7. 

yinneyaxollai,    in    the    ground    they    have    put    them. 

360-9. 

yinnetcu  wil  lai,    in  the  ground  had  been   put.     362-16. 
LC  na  nil  lai,    he  built  a  fire.     120-10. 


228  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

rail,  wa  ya  kin  dil  lai,    we  traded  with  them.     200-4. 

na  ya  nu  wes  dil  lai,    they  took  the  bet.     142-17. 

na  ya  xon  nil  lai  ei,    they  took  them.     179-8. 

nanayawillai,   they  turned  down  (their  heads).     139-1. 

na  ne  wes  dil  lai,    he  won.     211-6. 

no  nil  lai,    he  put.    98-2,  307-2. 

xaislai,   she  brought  up.    98-16. 

xa  wil  lai,    she  dug  it  out.     242-5. 

xo  wa  ya  tel  lai,   they  gave  them.     198-8. 

xo  wa  tcil  lai,   he  gave  away.    103-7. 

xotcinnasillai,    she  was  dressed  in.     164-9. 

sa  wil  lai,    he  put  in  his  mouth.     119-6,  276-10. 

sil  lai,    standing.     202-4. 

da  na  wil  lai,   she  put  it.     308-2. 

deduwillai,    he  put  on  the  fire.    266-11. 

do  hicu  wun  nu  wit  lai  he,  don't  bring  them  to  me.  230-13. 

tee  na  nil  lai,    he  drew  out.     119-2. 

tee  nil  lai,   he  pulled  out.    143-5. 

tcintellai,   they  brought.    230-15. 

B)   The  present  definite  has  the  form  -la. 

a  dit  tcin  no  nil  la  de,    if  she  puts  with  herself.     302-10. 

ye  ya  xo  la  yei,    they  took  them.     179-9. 

LC  nai  yun  dil  la  te,    we  will  keep  a  fire  burning.     169-6. 

i.e  nai  WIL  dil  la  din,   they  build  a  fire  place.     351-5. 

Lenauw  dil  la,    I  have  a  fire.    351-6,355-14. 

i,e  na  wil  la,    a  fire.    170-9. 

Le  na  nil  la  xo  Ian,    a  fire  he  had  built  he  saw.     186-3. 

Lena  nil  late,    you  "will  build  a  fire.     356-4. 

Le  na  nil  la  te,    he  will  build  a  fire.     258-2. 

mi  nil  la  yei,    the  waves  came  to  the  shore.    362-4. 

nai  ya  xon  nil  la  yei,    they  took  them.     179-11. 

no  nil  la  yei,    they  put  them.     300-13. 

sil  la,    (I  wish)  would  lie.    190-14. 

sil  lane  en,    used  to  be  (on  her).     153-4. 

de  na  du  wil  la  te,    he  will  put  in  the  fire.     255-15. 

de  du  wil  late,    he  will  put  in  the  fire.     255-15. 

do  Le  na  nel  la,    I  do  not  build  a  fire.    355-14. 

te  se  la  te,    I  am  going  to  take  them.    253-15. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  229 

c)    The  indefinite  tenses  have  the  form  -Ifur. 
a  dit  tciii  mil  liiir,    on  yourself  put  it.     175-3. 
ya  il  lii»r.    ho  picked  up.     292-14. 
ya  lu;c,    he  picked  it  up.     292-15. 
yei  il  liiw.    waves  began.     102-2. 
ye  tee  il  lute,    he  used  to  take.    2SS-2. 
i.enaillujr.    she  started  the  fire.     15:?-!. 
i.enalwr,    he  built  a  fire.    235-14. 
naya  nil  lu?r  neen.    which  had  been  lost.     144-7. 
niL  tcin  no  il  luw,    he  put  together.    334-12. 
noillurr,    she  put.     157-11. 
nonailluir.    she  left  oft'.     332-l<>. 
sahtnlluir,    put  in  your  mouth.     27(i-8. 
tceillfur,    he  used  to  take  out.    230-11. 
tein  ne  il  Ifur.    they  always  brought.    230-10. 

-lai,  -la,  -\wc;  to  perform  some  act  with  the  hand,  as  to  rub, 
to  hand  something  to  someone. 

A)  The  past  definite  has  the  form  -lai. 

ya  na  kil  lai,    he  took  in  his  hand.     337-7. 
wun  no  kin  nil  lai,    she  put  her  hand  on.    246-10. 
mit  de  na  kil  lai,    he  touched  it.     176-12. 
kittetellai,    he  rubbed.    347-14. 

B)  The  present  definite  has  the  form  -la. 

te  kil  la  hit,    when  he  put  his  hand  in  it.    337-4. 

-lai,  -la,  -liur:  to  travel  by  canoe,  to  manage  a  canoe.  Some, 
at  least,  of  the  Hupa  conceive  of  a  canoe  as  a  giant  hand  which 
carries  people.  Whether  this  root  is  connected  with  or  is  de 
rived  from  the  root  which  precedes  in  form,  it  is  connected  with 
it  in  the  thought  of  the  Hupa. 

A)   The  past  definite  iias  the  form  -lai. 
me  na  nil  lai,    they  landed.     215-11. 
ine  nil  la  yei,   they  landed.     216-13. 
xot  da  wil  lai,    they  started  in  boats.     362-1,  215-13. 
xot  da  na  wil  lai,    they  started  by  boat.     116-8. 
dit  tse  no  nil  lai,    they  headed  the  canoe.     216-4. 
ta  wil  lai,    it  had  started.    362-10. 
tcitteslai,    they  started  by  boat.     215-10. 


230  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  Era. 

B)   The  present  definite  has  the  form  -la. 

dits  tse  no  nil  la  xo  lun,    it  was  pointed.     222-4. 
tcu  wil  la  le,    they  were  going  along.     222-1. 
It  is  probable  that  the  following  are  connected  with  one  of 
the  preceding. 

ML  dje  xai  wil  lai,     they     (dogs)      commenced     to     fight. 

115-10,  17. 

kiL  dje  xai  yo  luie,    let  them  fight.    115-2. 
IdL  dje  xai  wil  late,   they  will  fight.    115-4. 

-Ian,  -la,  -lu,  -le ;  to  do  something,  to  treat  somebody  or 
something  in  a  certain  way,  to  arrange  according  to  a  plan  or 
purpose.  The  phonetic  connection  between  the  first  two  and 
last  two  forms  of  the  root  is  unexplained.  It  may  be  possible 
that  two  like  forms  with  related  meanings  have  become  merged. 

A)   The  past  tense  has  the  form  -Ian. 
amclau,    I  made.     302-10,  260-3. 
au  wil  lau,    it  was  made  of.     108-2. 
a  ya  tcil  lau,    they  fixed.     172-4. 
anayadillau,    they  fixed  themselves.     170-1. 
anaxowillau,    he  wras  ready  for  a  fight.     162-10. 
anadillau,    he  made  himself.     152-11. 
anatcillau,    he  did.     106-8,145-11. 
a  na  tcil  lau  wei,    he  buried  it.    282-12. 
atcillau,    he  did  it.     112-5,  157-6. 
akillau,    they  did.     266-13,  322-1. 
ill  lau,    what  did  you  do  ?    163-3. 
Le  ya  ki  xo  lau,    he  gathered  the  people.    151-7. 
Le  na  ya  kyu  wil  lau,    they  gathered  up.     171-12. 
min  xo  an  na  xo  wil  lau,    for  him  ready  to  fight.     163-13. 
xa  ai  lau,    it  broke.     290-1. 
xa  a  na  tcil  lau,   that  he  did.    260-9. 
xa  a  xo  lau,    he  did  the  same  thing.     278-12. 
xa  a  tcil  lau,    he  did  the  same  thing.     211-1. 
xoii  a  na  du  wil  lau,    he  dressed  himself.     139-14. 
xon  a  du  wil  lau,    she  marked  herself.     311-12,  215-11. 
da  an  na  dil  lau,    he  untied  himself.     120-2. 
da  an  na  tcil  lau,    he  tore  down.     102-11. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          231 

B)    The   present   definite,   and   in   some   cases   at   least,   the 
present  indefinite  and  imperative  have  the  form  -la. 
ai  la  te,    they  will  catch.     253-10. 
aiurlate,    what  shall  I  do  with  it.     293-8. 
au  wil  la  ne  en  uk.    ho  used  to  do  way.     106-8. 
ayaxola,    something  could  befall  them.     321-9. 
a  wil  la,    (I  wish)  it  would  happen.     150-11. 
a  la  te,    what  are  you  <roin«j  to  do?      102-15. 
anawrlate,    I  was  intending  to  do.    260-3. 
a  na  tcil  la  te,    he  will  do.    258-4. 
ah/rola,    you  have  treated  me.     16(5-12. 
a  xo  wit  la,    something  would  happen  to  him.     223-1. 
axdlade,    if  it  happens.     308-1,  5. 
a  xf>  la  te, '  they  will  do.    306-1  2. 
axddilla,    we  could  do  with  him.     116-16. 
a  tcil  la  te,    he  will  treat.     255-10. 
T.e  na  kil  la  ne,    gather  together  (things).     192-8. 
Lekixola,    gather  people.     151-5. 

c)    The  customary  and  impotential  have  tltc  form  -lu. 

mal  yeutr  ai  il  lu,    she  took  care  of  it.     136-7. 
xa  a  xoi  il  lu,    always  he  did  that.     237-9. 

D)   A  present  indefinite  tense  with  imperative  forms  occurs 
with  -le. 

aixoiille,    they  do  with  him.  196-7. 

ai  kyu  wil  lei  HL  te,    they  will  do.     230-8. 

awilleLte,    he  will  do.     253-12. 

a  le  ne,   you  must  do  it.     100-18. 

anadille,    fix  yourself.     170-1. 

akyole,    you  do.     198-2. 

akyuwillelliLte,    it  will  do.     236-3. 

ul  le,    take  it  over.    220-13. 

ullene,    do  it.     176-7. 

xaawilleLte,    he  will  do  that  way.     255-17. 

xa  a  xo  le  ne,   he  should  do  that.    163-2. 

xa  a  kyu  wil  ICL  te,    he  will  do  that.     211-18. 

xa  ul  le,    do  that.    165-19,  138-8. 


232  University  of  California  Publications.  [A-M.  ARCH.  ETH. 

-lal,  -laL;  to  dream,  to  sleep. 

A)  The  past  definite,  customary,  and  impotential  have  the 
form  -lal. 

nit  te  sil  lal  le,    (I  wish)  you  would  go  to  sleep.     203-1. 
kin  na  is  lal,    he  dreamed.     191-6. 

B)  The  present  tense  has  the  form,  -laL. 
kinnauwlaL,    I  dreamed.     191-8. 

-Ian,   -lun ;  with  the  negative  prefix,   to   quit,  to  leave,   to 
desist. 

A)  The  past  definite,  customary,  and  impotential  have  the 
form  -Ian. 

do  yux  xo  il  Ian,    they  always  quit.     196-2. 
do  tco  wil  Ian,    she  quit.     157-10,  242-13. 
do  tco  wil  Ian,    he  left.     343-9. 
do  tco  xo  na  wil  Ian,    he  went  away.    343-8. 

B)  The  present  definite  has  the  form,  -lun. 
do  oi  lun  te,    I  will  quit.     255-5. 

do  yo  lun  te.    they  will  quit.    231-1. 
do  yux  xo  il  lun,    they  quit  him.     196-7. 
do  tco  wil  lun,    he  stopped.     234-2. 

-Ian,  -lun ;  to  be  born. 

A)  The  past  tense  has  the  form  -Ian. 
tcislan,    he  was  born.     96-2. 

B)  The  present  tense  has  the  form  -lun. 
islunte,    birth  should  be.     102-17,  103-4. 

-lat,  -la;      to  float.     This  root  is  used  of  inanimate  objects 
including  dead  bodies. 

A)    The  past  definite,  customary,  and  impotential  have  the 
form  -lat. 

nalatdei,    it  was  floating.     243-17. 

nanalatde,    it  was  floating.     244-9. 

na  te  dil  lat,    it  floated  up.     245-16. 

116  nun  dil  lat,    it  got  back.     246-2. 

xa  wil  lat,    it  floated  on  the  water.    266-8. 

XOL  Le  nun  dil  lat,    it  floated  with  him.     315-5. 


VOL.  3]    (loddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  233 

XOL  me  nun  dil  latdei.    with   him   it   floated  back.     315-6. 

xoLteslat,    it  floated  with  him.     315-2. 

ta  des  lat,    it  came.     105-2. 

tenawil  latdei,    in  the  water  she  floated  back.     117-4. 

tes  latdei,    it  floated.    244-15. 

B)  The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  and  imperative  have 
the  form  -la. 

na  la,    it  floating.    243-8. 

na  la  ne  en,    floating  used  to  be.     243-12. 

daweslal,    it  floated.     314-10. 

da  wil  la  le,    it  was  floating.     244-6. 

danawillar,    it  was  floating  there.     325-3. 

na  nat  la  le,    it  floating.     243-13. 

tadesla,    (a  boat)  has  come.     199-3. 

tes  la,    he  is  drowning  (floating  as  dead).     210-11. 

tcittesla,    he  is  drowning.     210-11. 

-le;    to  feel  with  the  hands. 

na  na  kis  le,    he  felt  around.     106-5. 

na  na  kis  le  hit,    when  he  had  felt.     10H-6. 

na  kis  le,    he  felt.     107-15. 

xo  wun  na  kis  le,    he  felt  of  him.     153-5. 

-lei ;  to  carry  more  than  one  animal  or  child  in  the  hands. 
When  only  one  is  so  carried  the  root  employed  is  -tel  evidently 
an  extended  form  of  -te.  It  may  be  that  -lei  is  likewise  formed 
from  -lai. 

ya  xo  wil  lei  lei,    they  took  them  along.     179-9. 

-lei ;    to  bother. 

do  xo  lin  tcwin  yo  wil  lei,    they  won't  bother  it.     267-4. 

-len,-liii, -lu, -le;  to  become,  to  be  transformed,  to  be.  Verbs 
with  this  root  often  indicate  acts  without  any  apparent  agency. 

A)  The  past  definite  has  the  form  -len. 
ya  is  len,    both  became.     187-13. 
ya  is  len  ei,    they  became.     110-1. 
ya  sil  len,   they  had  become.     182-6. 
u  sil  leu,   they  made  bets.     142-16. 

AM.  ARCH.  ETH.  3.  10. 


234  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM«  ARCH.  ETH. 

nayaisdillen  nei,   they  became.     166-13. 

nasdillenne,    it  had  gone  back.     234-7. 

nas  dil  len  ne  xo  luii,    it  had  gone  back.     235-1. 

xolen,    she  has.     333-9. 

sillen,    he  got  there.     346-6. 

sillen,    it  seems.     241-8. 

sil  len  ne  en,    it  came.     241-9. 

sillen  nei,    it  became.     115-1,182-4. 

sil  len  ne  xo  lun,    it  had  become.     97-4. 

do ya xolen,    they  were  lacking.     105-15. 

doyaxolenne,    it  was  gone.     111-11. 

do  na  xo  len  nei,    he  was  gone.     119-17. 

do  nas  dil  len  nei,    it  did  not  happen.     117-5. 

do  x5  len,    there  was  none.    159-3. 

do  xo  len  ne,    it  was  gone.     243-11,  159-2,  185-5. 

telenexolan,    it  had  become.     187-5. 

tin  nauw  tsis  len,   he  came  to  have.    348-16. 

tsislen,    he  became.     186-10,  136-15,  229-2. 

(do)  tcexolenne,    he  was  gone.     163-6. 

tcis  len,    he  came  to  be.     106-17,  114-7. 

kyo  dil  len,    he  might  be  cold.     169-5. 

B)  The  present  definite  has  the  form  -lin. 
nas  dil  lin  te,    that  was  to  be.     283-6. 
sil  lin  te,    you  are  going  to  be.    343-5. 
sil  lin  te,    it  is  going  to  be.    287-5. 
sil  lin  teL  din,    it  is  going  to  be  place.     104-16. 
xo  lin,    it  was.    340-7. 
doxolin,    it  is  gone.     141-8. 
tsis  lin  te,    it  would  become, 
tsis  lin  ne  te,    he  will  become.     338-10. 

c)   The  customary,  impotential,  and  a  sporadic  future  have 
the  form  -lu. 

na  at  lu  e  xo  Ian,    it  had  gone  back.     234-11. 
na  dil  lu,    it  will  be.     243-2. 
hit'e  e  il  lu,    it  becomes  mine.     248-1. 
xo  dje  e  it  din  te  e  il  lu,    he  became  unconscious.     223-14. 
do  xo  lin    nin  xa  ten   tcil  lu,    it  won 't  be  rich  man  he  will 
become.    338-7. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          235 

doxoliii    tselin    toil  lii,    he    won't    have    blood    on    him. 
334-11. 

D)  The  present  indefinite  and  imperative  of  all  verbs  con 
taining  this  root,  and  all  the  tenses  of  some  other  verbs  have  the 
form  -le 

il  le  ne,    become.    109-6. 

die,    let  him  become.     110-7,  340-8,  362-7. 

6  le  ne,   become.     109-18. 

nadille,    they  are.     211-13. 

na  dil  le  lei,    it  went  back.    234-2. 

na  dil  lene,    you  may  become.     166-12. 

nadillete,    they  will  become  again.     116-12. 

nadil  le  teneen,    was  going  to  happen.     117-5. 

natleliLte,    it  will  become.    312-4. 

noxoslee,    he  is  lost.     185-8. 

nun  dil  le  ne,   you  may  become.     108-3. 

xo  xfm  xos  le,    she  got  married.     189-9. 

xwa  e  il  le,    he  had  enough.     332-6. 

xwaweslede,    if  he  gets  enough.    255-16. 

doyldaille,   they  do  not  get  enough.     196-7. 

do  yl  dale,    it  never  satisfies  them.     195-9. 

do  xo  wril  lei  HL  te,    it  will  be  no  more.     217-15. 

do  xos  le,    was  not.     259-3,  96-7,  322-5. 

do  na  xos  dil  le  te,    there  will  be  no  more.     228-4. 

tcil  le,    it  would  be.     340-10. 

tcuwilleLte,    he  will  become.     114-4. 

kis  le  te,    they  will  catch  many.     257-10. 

-len,  -liii ;    to  flow,  to  run ;  said  of  any  liquid. 

A)  The  past  definite,  customary,  and  impotcntial  have  the 
form  -len. 

naweslenei,    it  falls.     104-1. 
ne  il  len,    it  always  flows.     336-5. 

B)  The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  and  imperative  have 
the  form  -lin. 

ye  nin  dil  liii  ye,   they  had  washed  ashore.     267-12. 
nan  wil  liii,   to  run.     108-19. 
nillintsu,    he  heard  a  creek.     111-13. 


236  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

no  wil  lin,    it  was  covered.     115-16. 

tee  wes  lin  te,    it  will  flow  out.    254-17. 

tee  wil  lin  din,    at  the  mouth  of  the  creek.     175-10. 

tee  na  il  lin  xo  Ian,    it  used  to  run.     117-18. 

-lit;  to  burn.  This  root  is  used  only  of  the  fire  as  acting. 
The  root  employed  in  verbs  meaning  to  cause  to  burn  is  -Lit, 
evidently  related  to  this. 

wa  kin  nil  lit  xo  Ian,    they   were  burned   through.      119-3. 

miL  tel  lit  te  he,    even  if  he  sweats  himself.    337-16. 

na  wil  lit,    he  nearly  burned.     330-1. 

nawillitdei,    he  burned  up.     120-8. 

nawillitte,    it  will  be  burned.     151-5. 

no  nil  lit  hit,  when  he  finished  sweating  (when  the  fire 
had  ceased  burning).  210-8. 

XOL  no  il  lit,    it  was  done  smoking  with  him.     336-4. 

XOL  no  nil  lit,    it  finished  burning.    364-7. 

XOL  no  kin  nil  lit,    he  finished  sweating.     209-13. 

xoLteillit,    he  smoked  himself. 

xo  tel  lit,   he  smoked  himself.     210-7. 

do  he  te  il  lit,    it  would  not  burn.     166-9. 

do  he  tel  lit,    it  would  not  burn. 

-lite;  to  urinate. 

de  ki  dil  lite  te,    (frog)  to  urinate  on  the  fires.     151-10. 

-lik;  to  relate,  to  tell  something. 

na  xow  lik  mifi,    to  tell  you.     226-6. 

niLxoilikte,    I  will  tell  you.     351-11. 

niL  xow  lik,    I  am  telling  you.    360-8. 

niL  xwe  lik  te,    I  will  tell  you.    355-4. 

xo  wil  lik  te,    he  will  tell.    203-14. 

XOL  ya  xo  il  lik,    he  told  them.     180-10. 

XOL  ya  xo  wil  lik,   they  told  them.     180-12. 

XOL  tcu  xo  wil  lik,    he  told  him.     141-13. 

tco  xo  wil  lik,    she  began  to  tell  them.     181-15. 

-loi,  to  tie,  to  wrap  around. 

anadisloi,    he  girded  himself.     221-5. 
yaisloi,    they  wrapped.     179-7. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  llupa  Language.          237 

willoi,    bundles.     210-3. 

Leilloi.    he  ties  together.    384-12. 

i.e  na  is  loi,    he  tied  together.     210-5. 

me  il  loi,    he  used  to  tie  on  feathers.    288-3. 

menakisloi,    he  bound  it  up.     145-11,  348-13. 

mil  loi  ne,    you  must  feather  (arrows).     207-4. 

naiii/r  loi  hit,    I  tie  them  up.     247-11. 

tsisloi,    he  made  bundles.     142-3,  210-3,  293-6. 

tcisloi,    he  played  (he  tied  with).     144-4. 

-16s,  to  drag,  to  pull  along. 

yenawil  los,    she  dragged  it  in.    190-2. 
nana  kit  de  Ids.    he  had  h'xed  the  load.     162-10. 
natelos,    she  dragged  back.     190-1. 
xanaislos,    she  dragged  it  up.     192-2. 

-lu,  -le;    to  kill,  to  make  an  attack,  to  form  a  war  party. 

A)The  past  definite,  customary,  and  the  impotential  have  the 
form  -lu. 

T.eduwillu,    he  had  killed  several.     165-15. 
xoiduwillu,    they  attacked  them.     152-13. 

B)   The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  and  the  imperative 
have  the  form  -le. 

xoi  de  il  le  tsu,    they  heard  the  party  war.     332-4. 
duwillete,    a  company  will  come  to  kill.    332-3. 
duwilletei.,    a  party  is  coming  to  kill.    334-6. 

-lu.  -le;  to  dive,  to  swim  under  water. 

a)  The  past,  customary,  and  impotential  hare  the  form  -lu. 

ua  lu,    which  live  (said  of  fish).     100-7. 

do  til  lu,    they  never  come.    252-3. 

til  lu,    they  come.     254-12. 
B)  The  present  and  imperative  have  the  form  -le. 

da  il  lei,    it  always  swam.     266-6. 

da  wes  lei,    it  swam  around  in  one  place.     266-5. 

tcenillete,   they  will  dive  out.     252-9. 

-lu»r,    to  watch,  to  stand  guard  over, 
ye  lute,  it  watching.    203-13. 


238  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

me  luw,   watching.     204-6. 

me  lu«"  °x,    he  watched  it.     205-2. 

me  luw  te,    I  am  going  to  watch.     292-9. 

me  nai  luw  te,    I  will  watch.     217-13,  258-10. 

me  nauw?  luw  te,    I  will  watch.     267-17. 

muivluu'te,    I  will  watch  them.     258-15,  218-3. 

-Lat,  -La ;  to  run,  to  jump.  The  verbs  which  have  this  root 
are  confined  to  the  singular  number  and  indicate  rapid  motion 
by  human  beings. 

A)  The  past  definite,  customary,  and  impotential  have  the 
form  -Lat. 

innasLat,    it  ran  up.     295-5. 

innatcisLat,    he  jumped  up.     171-9. 

yenawilLat,    she  ran  in.     136-1. 

yenalLat,   he  ran  in.    329-8. 

yin  ne  nal  Lat,    in  the  ground  it  ran.    221-12. 

na  il  diL  Lat,    he  came  running  back.     176-16. 

na  is  diL  Lat,    she  ran.    185-6. 

nul  diL  Lat,    he  ran  back.     115-16. 

xa  na  is  diL  Lat,    she  had  run  up.    135-13. 

xeenawilLat,    he  ran  away  again.     176-16. 

xo  wil  Lat,    he  ran.    199-4. 

XOL  ta  na  wil  Lat,    with  him  she  went.    223-14. 

da  wil  Lat,   he  jumped  on.     113-14. 

da  na  du  wil  Lat,   he  ran  back.    97-12,  98-15. 

da  tcit  du  wil  Lat,   he  ran.    164-2. 

tee  il  Lat,    he  jumped  out.     106-2. 

tee  in  Lat,  she  ran  out.     185-5. 

tee  na  il  Lat,    she  came  there.    135-9. 

tcit  du  wil  Lat,   he  jumped  off.     107-11. 

keisLat,   she  ran  up.     158-8. 

kes  Lat  dei,    he  climbed  up  he  saw.     174-7. 

B)  The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  and  imperative  have 
the  form  -La. 

me  is  La  dei,    he  ran  up.    217-16. 

na  na  wil  La  dei,    he  ran  down.     221-17. 

no  il  La,    he  came  running.     360-8. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard.  —  Morphology  of  the  Jlupa  Language.          239 

da  din  La,    run.  176-6. 
tee  il  La  de,    he  is  running  along.     220-13. 
,    let  me  run  out.     171-9. 


-Lit;  to  cause  to  burn.  This  root  is  confined  to  the  transitive 
use.  Compare  -lit  above  for  the  root  used  in  corresponding  in 
transitive  and  passive  verbs. 

na  win  Lit,    she  burned  it.    311-12. 

-LU.  -Le  ;  to  handle  or  to  do  anything  with  semi-liquid,  dough- 
like  material. 

A)  The  past  definite,  customary,  and  impotential  have  the 
form  -LU. 

na  iiur  LU,    I  paint.     247-12. 
nadeLfi,    she  marked  across.     311-13. 
noixweiLLii,    they  throw  down  (blood).     195-11. 
tcit  teL  LU,    he  rubbed  it.     278-10. 

B)  The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  and  imperative  have 
the  form  -Le  which  does  not  occur  in  Hupa  Texts. 

-Lon,  -Lo,  -Loir,  -Loi  :  to  make  baskets,  to  twine  in  basket- 
making.  This  root  is  very  likely  related  to  Lo,  "grass,"  from 
the  materials  of  which  baskets  are  made. 

A)  The  definite  tenses  have  the  form  -Lfm. 
nakisLon,    she  made  baskets.     189-5. 

na  kit  te  Lon,    she  wove  another  round.     305-7. 

na  kit  te  Lon.    she  began  to  make  baskets  again.     325-9. 

B)  The  indefinite  tenses  have  the  forms  -Lo  and  Loir,  which 
do  not  seem  to  differ  in  meaning  or  use. 

nakitte  it  Loir,    she  always  made  baskets.     157-3. 

keitLo,    she  used  to  make  baskets.    189-1. 

ke  it  Loir,    she  made  baskets.     305-4. 

kit  te  it  Loir,    who  always  made  baskets.     324-5. 

c)  The  impotential  and  nouns  from  this  root  have  the  form 
-Loi. 

kit  Loi,   a  basket.     103-7. 


240  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

-mas,  to  roll,  to  rotate. 

yawimmas,   lie  rolled  over.    112-15. 

xatemas,    (frost)  rolled  out  of  the  ground.    270-5. 

tee  mm  mas,    it  rolled  out.     197-5. 

-mats,  to  coil.    This  root  is  evidently  connected  with  the  pre 
ceding. 

uawesmats,    it  was  coiled.     151-19. 

-me,  to  swim,  to  bathe  (transitive  or  intransitive). 

naime,    I  swim  in.    311-11. 
naiwme,    let  me  swim.     97-15. 
nawimme,    he  swam.     209-13. 
nawimme,    she  bathed.    307-2. 
na  na  iiitt?  me,   I  bathe  it.    247-1. 
na  naime,    I  bathed.     311-8. 
nanaimmeei,    he  always  bathed.     311-8. 

-men,  to  cause  to  swim. 

ye  na  WIL  men,    he  made  it  swim  in.     266-2. 

me  nim  men,    he  landed  him.     162-9. 

na  iL  dim  men  nei,   he  made  it  swim  back.     266-2. 

naismennei,   he  made  it  swim.     266-1. 

nateLmen,    he  made  it  swim.    266-1. 

tee  niL  men  uei,    he  made  it  swim  out.     265-10. 

tcittei.  men,    he  made  it  swim.    265-9. 

-meL,  -mil,  -mil, ;  to  strike,  to  throw,  to  drop.     Verbs  having 

this  root  are  always  used  with  a  plural  object.    When  the  object 
is  singular,  -waL,  -wul,  -WUL  is  employed. 

A)  The  definite  tenses  have  the  form  -meL. 

ya  yai  wim  meL  tsu,    he   heard  them   kick  up   their  legs. 

342-14. 

ya  wim  meL,    he  took  up.     142-4. 
yaxdsmeL,      he  whipped  him   (the  whip  was  of  several 

strands).     164-3. 
ye  tcu  wim  meL,    they  put  them  in.    200-5. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          241 

nadittemeL,   they  fell.     245-11. 
niin  meL  din.    the  place  you  bring:  them.    210-7. 
noyatemeL,    they  dropped  them  along.     179-11. 
xe  e  ya  x6  wit  meL,    they  had  thrown  away  part  of  them 
selves.    181-9. 

dediiwimmeL,    he  threw  in  the  fire.     165-10. 
tetmeL,    scattered.     117-1(5. 

tcenanimmeL,    he  had  them  thrown  out.    301-14. 
tcinnemeL.    he  carried  it  home.    363-1. 
tcittetemeL,    he  scattered  them.     101-3. 

B)  The  customary  and  im potential  hare  the  form  -mil. 
yai  im  mil,    it  kicked  up.    290-2. 
ya  na  kis  dim  mil  lei,    she  smashed  it.     152-16. 
yademil,    the  balls  used  in  playing  shinny.     143-5. 
yatmillei,    they  fell  back.     165-11. 
yu  WILD  dim  mil  lei,    they  went  through.     211-5. 
wa  im  mil,    he  always  distributes  them.     195-8. 
wiin  dim  mil,    the  going  through.     144-3. 
wun  dim  mil  lei,    it  went  through.     144-2. 
no  nun  dim  mil,    it  fell  back.    151-18. 
nondemil,   they  fell.     143-8. 
xa  te  dim  mil,    chips  flew  off.     113-13. 
denadeiujrmil,    I  put.    247-9. 
dedeimmil,   he  pushed  them  into  the  fire.     165-6. 
tcit  te  dim  mil,   they  fell  one  after  another.    208-6. 
tco  xo  ne  im  mil,    he  threw  at  her.    332-12. 
ke  it  mil  lei,    they  drop.     180-14. 

c)  The  present  indefinite  and  imperative  have  the  form  -miL. 

tee  na  mil,    throw  them  out.    301-13. 
tcene  yaxon  miL,    throw  them  out.    302-3. 

-men, -miii;  to  fill  up,  to  make  full. 

A)    The  past  definite,  customary,  and  impotential  have  the 
form  -men. 

dewimmen,   it  was  filled.    191-5. 


242  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM:-  ARCH.  ETH. 

B)  The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  and  imperative  have 
the  form  -min. 

XOL  yaL  de  wim  min  il,    they  filled  with  them.     153-17. 
dewimminte,    they  will  be  filled.     253-11. 

-medj ,  to  boil,  to  cook,  by  boiling, 
kyuwilmedj,    boiled.     166-5. 

-mite,  to  break  off,  to  pull  off. 

ya  te  mite,   they  pulled  off.    179-10. 

tcit  du  wim  mite,    she  broke  it  off.     287-2,  293-16. 

tcit  du  wim  mite  hit,    when  she  broke  it  off.     287-4. 

-mut,  to  break  out,  as  a  spring  of  water;  to  break  open, 
yikismutei,    (a  basket)  broke.    289-15. 
xakindemut,    it  boiled  up.     105-3. 

-na,  to  cook  by  placing  above  or  before  a  fire,  to  steam  by 
placing  above  boiling  water. 

me  wit  dil  na  te,    we  shall  steam  it.     241-11. 
me  na  WIL  na  ei,    he  steamed  them.     342-12. 
ke  ya  wiL  na,    they  cooked  it.    266-10. 
kewiLna,    she  cooked  them.    99-9. 
kenawiLna,    he  cooked  it.     260-6. 
kiL  na,    cook  them.    237-2. 

-na,  to  move  (  ?).  Perhaps  the  verbs  given  below  are  to  be  con 
nected  with  the  root  next  considered. 

na  xus  din  na  tsu,    someone  moving  she  heard.     191-12 
na  ka  xas  din  na  tsu,    someone  moving  she  heard.     165-18. 

-na,  -nauw ;  to  go,  or  to  come.  This  root  is  confined  to  the 
third  person  singular  of  the  verbs  in  which  it  occurs.  The  first 
person  of  these  verbs  has  a  root  -hu'a,  -hwauw,  and  the  second 
person  one  -ya,  -yautc.  It  is  likely  that  this  root  as  well  as  that 
found  in  the  first  person  is  a  modified  form  of  the  root  -yai,  -ya 
resulting  from  a  preceding  n. 

estcinnauw,  swimming  deer  (they  come  into  the  es, 
fishdam).  162-1. 

ya  win  na  wiL  de,    if  it  raises  up.     117-10. 

ya  naui£  din,   the  going  up  place.     195-6. 


VOL.  31     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Ilupa  Language.          243 

yetcinnauir,    they  will  come  in.     231-6. 

i,e  in  naiur,    they  came  together.     305-2. 

meii  na  h»rii,  de,    if  their  time  comes.    229-9. 

me  win  na  hiriLte,    (her  mind)  will  go  against.    325-14. 

na  wit  dits  tin  naiur,    whirlpool.      120-3. 

ne  in  naiur,    he  used  to  come  in.     305-1. 

nit  de  sin  naiur  ufi,    didn't   yon   meet    her?      (didn't   she 

meet  you?).     165-2. 
no  in  nauir,    she  stopped.    158-5. 
no  win  nahjfiLte,    he  will  go.     230-1. 
Compare,  nokii.dje  xa  in  naiur,    she  quit  fighting.     333-6. 
nu  win  nahiril,    he  went.    282-10. 
xa  sin  naiur  din,    where  the  sun  rises.    332-5. 
do  ye  in  naiur,    no  one  ever  comes  in.    329-4. 
domittisinnauir,    it  never  over  it  reached.    314-2. 
do  tee  in  naiur,   she  never  used  to  come  out.    305-3. 
do  tin  naiur  xoliifi,    he  had  not  gone  along.    174-5. 
te  in  naiur,    he  comes.    310-7. 
tii  win  na  h/rii.  de,    if  it  comes.     105-12. 
tu  winnah»riLte,    it  will  go.     229-13. 
tee  in  naiur  wei,    he  used  to  go  out.     136-14. 
tee  naiur,    it  coming  out.    170-7. 
tcin  ne  in  naiur,    she  always  comes.     101-7. 
tcin  nin  naiur  h/rei,    she  comes.     101-6. 
tcit  te  in  uaiur,    he  used  to  come  along.     162-3,  186-8. 
tcittu  winnahjriLde,    it  will  pass  here.     272-8. 
kii.  dje  xa  in  naiur  te,    there  is  going  to  be  a  fight.    333-13. 

-nan,  -nun :  to  drink. 

A)  The  past  definite,  customary,  and  impotentiaJ  have  the 
form  -nan. 

ta  win  nan,    he  drank  it.     337-7. 
tan  din  nan,   you  drank.    337-12. 

B)  The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  and  the  imperative 
have  the  form  -nun. 

tai  win  nun  iL  de.    if  he  drinks  water.     338-7. 
taidinnun,    let  us  drink.     179-3. 


244  University  of  California  Publications.  EAM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

ta  nai  win  mm  de,  if  he  drinks.  337-16. 
ta  nai  win  nun  te,  he  will  drink.  337-18. 
tamr  din  nun  te,  I  am  going  to  have  a  drink.  111-13. 

-nan,  -nun ;  to  turn,  to  move.  Verbs  having  this  root  are  used 
of  the  turning  about  of  a  person  and  of  the  movements  of  the 
foetus. 

A)  The  past  definite,  customary,  and  impotential  have  the 
form  -nan. 

na  is  din  nan,   he  turned.    278-11. 

XOL  xut  tes  nan,    it  moved  in  her.    341-3. 

B)  The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  and  imperative  have 
the  form  -nun. 

XOL  xut  tes  nun  te,    it  would  move  in  her.    341-2. 

XOL  xut  tes  nfm  te  ne  en,    in  her  was  about  to  move.   342-4. 

xon  na  is  din  nun  hit,   when   he   turned    around.      278-12. 

-ne,  -n :  to  speak,  to  say  something,  to  sing,  to  make  a  sound, 
to  play  an  instrument. 

A)  The  past  definite,  customary,  impotential  have  the 
form  -ne. 

ai  XOL  ne,    he  kept  telling  him.     208-13. 

ai  XOL  de  in  ne,    she  used  to  tell  her.    135-3. 

a  yai  XOL  du  wen  ne,   they  said.     165-2. 

a  yai  du  wen  ne,    they  said.     165-7. 

a  yaL  de  iuw;  ne,    I  told  them.     301-1. 

a  yaL  tcit  den  ne,    he  told  them.     109-18. 

a  ya  du  wrin  nel,    they  were  saying.     153-14. 

ax  tcit  den  ne,    he  talked  to.    100-3. 

a  no  hoL  tcit  den  ne,    he  said  of  us.     302-3. 

a  hwiL  tcin  ne,    he  will  say  of  me.     363-16. 

a  hwiL  tcin  ne,    why  does  she  always  tell  me.     135-4. 

a  hwiL  tcit  du  win  neL,    they  told  me.     355-11. 

a  XOL  tcit  den  ne,    he  said  to  him.    97-7. 

a  den  ne,    he  said.     97-15. 

adenne,    it  made  the  noise.    321-5. 

adenne,   she  sang.    333-14. 

a  du  win  nel  lil,   he  said.    235-4. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard.— Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          245 

a  du  win  ner.  de,    if  anybody  says.    267-5. 

iinniLdurrne.    I  am  telling  you.     356-1. 

fin  nil,  den  ne,    I  told  you.     163-8. 

yar,  tcit  den  ne.    she  told  them.     299-0. 

ya  XOT.  tcit  den  ne.    they  said  to  him.     102-15. 

yaduwenne,    they  said.     109-17. 

yaduwinneL,    they  said.     361-8. 

no  hor.  tcit  den  ne.    they  told  us.     302-4. 

xaaxoLtcinne,    he  was  telling  him  that.     150-2. 

xa  a  den  ne,    he  called  the  same.    105-5. 

xoLdenneete,    I  will  call  him.     139-45. 

XOL  tcit  den  ne,    he  said.     105-18. 

XOL  tcit  du  win  nei.,    he  kept  say  in  p.     141-12. 

deinne,    he  used  to  imitate.     182-1. 

dinne,    it  was  playing.     99-17. 

do  a  du  win  ne  he.    don 't  say  that.     175-1. 

donene,    let  it  play.     100-3. 

duwenne.    it  sounded.     108-16,189-13. 

du  wen  nee  tsu.    it  sounded  he  heard.     144-3. 

du  win  ne,    it  played.     100-5. 

tcitdekne,    he  played  on.    99-12. 

tcit  den  ne,    he  said.     106-9. 

B)    The   present   definite    and   (he   pres(  nt    indefinite   except 
sometimes  tJie  first  person  singular  have  the  form  -n. 
aiwetcin,    I  hear  it  said.    36'0-1. 
a  van,    they  said  that.     116-17. 
a  ua  luriL  tcit  den  te.    of  me  he  will  say.    363-18. 
an  tsu,    he  heard  it  cry.     281-13. 
a  hiciL  tcit  den  hiruii,    he  must  tell  me.     314-11. 
a  XOL  tcit  den  tsu,    he  heard  say.     141-8. 
a  den  de,    if  he  sings.     236-2. 
a  den  tsu,    singing  he  heard.     186-12. 
yeitcin,    they  say.    275-1. 
h ic iL  tcit  den  te,    they  will  talk  to  me.    322-15. 
doahtriLtcitdende,    if  he  does  not  tell  me.     257-12 
tcin,   they  say.     135-1. 
tcit  den  de,    if  he  says.    111-7. 


246  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

-neuw?,  -ne  yemc ;  to  talk,  to  speak. 

This  root  seems  to  be  an  extended  form  of  the  last.  Verbs 
employing  it  have  reference  to  the  speaking  of  a  certain  lan 
guage,  or  the  delivery  of  a  discourse  or  at  least  a  number  of 
sentences.  Those  with  the  form  -ne  refer  to  the  utterance  of 
some  single  definite  phrase,  while  verbs  with  the  root  -lik  are 
employed  of  the  relation  of  some  incident  or  circumstance. 

A)  All  parts  of  the  verbs  containing  this  root  have  the  form 
-neuw?  with  the  exception  of  the  first  person  singular  and  the 
imperative  forms. 

yit  de  din  njn  xun  neuw,   the    Tolowa    language.      110-11. 

wa  nun  xo  win  ne  hw;iL  te,    they  will  talk  about.     272-17. 

wun  xai  neuw;  te,    he  will  talk  about.     260-12. 

wun  xu  win  ne  h«<iL  te,    they  will  talk  about. 

mux  xun  neuttf  hwe  ne  en,    their  talk  used  to  be.     306-4. 

nai  xe  neuw  te,    few  will  talk.    295-13. 

no  wun  nun  xun  neuw?  te,   they  will  talk  about  us.  267-18. 

do  he  tee  xai  neuw;,    he  did  not  say  anything.     113-12. 

do  xon  no  xun  neuw,    they  never  talk  into  her.     334-2. 

tin  xe  neuw?,    who  spoke  the  curse.     223-8. 

tcexainemc,    he  spoke.     105-1. 

tcexainnemc,    he  always  said  the  same  thing.     283-13. 

tee  xo  win  ne  hwiL  te,    she  shall  talk.     289-12. 

tee  xun  neuw/%    he  commenced  to  talk.    272-6. 

B)  The  first  person  singular  and  the  imperative    have    the 
form  -neyeuw;. 

xun  ne  yeuio  ne,    he  must  talk.     227-4. 
xun  ne  yeuw  de,    if  I  talk.    217-15. 
xun  ne  yeuw"  te,    I  will  talk.     217-11. 
xun  nin  yeuw,   you  speak.    153-7. 
With  the  preceding,  is  probably  connected: 
kyuwennuir,    it  thundered.     144-5. 

-ne,  -sen,  -sin ;  to  think,  to  know. 

A)   The  third  person  of  all  tenses  has  the  form  -ne. 
ai  yon  des  ne  te,    she  will  think  about.    104-1. 
a  teo  in  ne,    he  kept  thinking.     139-4. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          247 

atcondesne,    bethought.    96-7. 

ya  Icon  des  ne,    they  thought.     265-2. 

do  too  xo  xo  ne,   without  the  knowledge  of.    204-6. 

tcexondesne,    he  found  him  out.     207-11. 

tcoinne,    he  kept  thinking.     113-2,311-8. 

tcowinneLte,    she  will  think  about.     312-3. 

tcoxondesne,    he  thought  of  him.     257-1. 

tcoxfm  des  neb/run,    be  shall  know.     319-13. 

tco  xon  des  ne  te,    she  will  think  of  him.    325-14. 

B)  The  first  and  second  persons  of  all  tenses  have  the  form 
-sen,  -sin. 

ainesen,    I  thought.     187-3. 
aininsinne,    you  must  think.     20S-17. 
ainu/rsiii,    I  thought  so.     353-3. 
nifisin,    you  think.     337-12. 
lurfm  ne  siii,    don't  you  remember.     163-8. 
doainiusififlx,   you  don't  think.    337-9. 

-ne,  to  gather  nuts  from  the  ground,  to  pick  up. 
kyadane,    they  picked.    138-7. 
kya  da  ne  xo  win  sen,    they  commenced  to  pick.     138-6. 

-nel,  neL;  to  play  (said  of  children). 

miLna  we  nel  le  xo  lun,     he     had      been      playing     with. 

292-11. 

na  in  nel  le  xo  Ian,    he  played  he  saw.     186-1. 
na  wenellexolun,    he  had  been  playing.    292-13. 

-noi,  -no;  to  place  on  end,  to  be  in  a  vertical  position.  This 
root  is  confined  to  the  plural ;  for  the  singular,  -ai,  -a  would  be 
expected. 

Lena  neL  no,    he  stood  up.    235-12. 
nesuoi,    (mountains)  which  stand.    220-3. 

-noL,  to  blaze. 

kyuwntnoL,    a  fire  blazing.     109-11. 

-nu.  -ne:  to  do,  to  happen,  to  behave  in  a  certain  way. 

A)    The  past,  customary,  and  impotential  Jtave  the  form  -nu. 
a  en  nu,    it  does  it.    275-5. 
a  in  nu,   he  did.    288-9. 


248  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

a  in  nu  miL,    when  the  sun  was  here.    332-4. 
a  ya  in  nu,    they  used  to  have  sports.    305-2. 
a  win  nu,    one  should  do.    99-11. 
xa  a  in  nu,    he  always  did  that.    139-9. 
xa  a  in  nu,    that  happened.     340-5. 

B)   The  present  and  imperative  have  the  form  -ne. 
a  ya  tco  ne,    let  them  do  that.    365-16. 
awinneliLte,    it  will  be.    311-17. 
au  win  neL  de,    if  it  happens.    117-9. 
au  win  neL  de,    if  it  happens.    117-9. 
a  win  neL  te,    it  will  be.     289-11. 
au  win  neL  te,    it  will  be.    105-12. 
xa  a  win  ne  HL  te,    that  will  be  done.     229-10. 
xaawinneLte,    it  will  be  that  way.     259-18. 
tee  in  ne,    it  helps  him  she.    196-1. 
do  xa  amr  ne  xo  xo  lin,    I  won't  do  that.     230-15. 

-nuw;  to  hear.     Usually  a  periphrastic  expression,  it  goes 
into  his  head  is  used  for  the  hearing  of  anything, 
tceinnuw,    he  heard  about  it.     204-13. 
Compare,  ke  wen  nuw;,    it  thundered.     144-5. 

-hwai,  -hwa,  -hwautc;  to  walk,  to  go,  to  come.  This  root  is 
found  only  in  the  first  person  of  certain  verbs.  It  is  probably  a 
modified  form  of  the  root  -yai,  -ya,  -yauw. 

A)  The  im.potential  regularly  has  the  form  -hwai.      (It   is 
not  usual  for  negatives  to  take  such  a  form.} 

ddnahwai,    I  have  never  been.    336-11. 

B)  The  present  and  imperative  have  the  form  -hjra   (-hwal 
with  progressive  suffix}. 

wimchfcal,    I  am  coming.    110-4,  120-16. 
na  htca,    I  will  walk.    164-6,  175-7. 

c)   The  form  -hw;auw  may  occur  in  the  present  or  customary. 
nuhtt/'auw,  I  come.    351-1. 

-hwal,  -hwaL;  to  fish  for  with  a  hook,  to  catch  with  a  hook. 

A)   The   past,   customary,   and   impotential   have    the    form 

-hwal. 

yi  kit  tu  hw;al,  nobody  hooks.  107-6. 

na  xo  win  hwal,  he  hooked  him.  107-6. 


VOL.  31    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          249 

tayaishiral.    they  caught.    328-4. 
kyoya  winhiral,   they  fished.    328-3. 
kyo  htral  le,    somebody  hooking.    106-15. 
B)    The  present  and  imperative  have  the  form  -htraL. 
kit -  tfnr  hfrar.,    let  me  hook.    107-5. 

-h»re,  to  dig. 

xa  ke  hire,    to  dig.     135-2. 

tee  kin  nin  hire,    he  had  finished  digging.     100-9. 
kit  din  hjreteLdifi,    he  would  dig  out.     100-1. 
kit  te  hire,    he  began  to  dig.     100-8. 

-h/re.  -hiril,  -hirii. ;  to  call  by  name,  to  name.     This  root  is 
identical  with  the  noun  xohire,  "his  name." 

A)  All  tenses  without  the  progressive  suffix  have  the  form 
-h»re. 

naxouhire,    he  will  call.    283-11. 
tcexohtre,   he  talked.    283-13. 
teohfreiLte,    they  will  call.     272-11. 
tcu huxm htce e  te,    they  will  call  me.    272-12. 
tcuhirohiceiLte,    they  will  call.    272-10. 
tcuxouhtce,    he  will  call.     283-11. 

B)  The  past,   customary,  and   impotential   liaving   the   pro 
gressive  suffix  take  the  form  -hiril. 

kit  te  hiril,    he  called  along.    98-4. 

c)  The  present  and  imperative  having  the  progressive  suffix 
take  the  form  -hiriL. 

in  h/rii.,    you  call.    355-6. 

hirii.  tsii.    he  heard  someone  calling.    360-7. 

-hiren,  -hjrifi:  to  melt  (said  of  frost), 
nal  hwin  te,    it  will  melt  away.    273-6. 

-hirot ;  exact  meaning  unknown. 

Le  na  kil  du  hjcot,    it  grew  back  on.     164-1. 

-xa,  -xu,  -xaii.;1  to  track,  to  follow  tracks. 

1  The  vowel  in  this  root  is  very  hard  to  determine  because  of  the  pre 
ceding  rough  x.  In  Hupa  Texts  it  has  been  uniformly  written  a,  but 
judging  from  the  fact  that  the  Customary  and  Impotential  have  been 
found  to  contain  the  vowel  u  it  is  probable  that  in  the  other  tenses  the 
vowel  is  e  rather  than  a.  Compare  -xe,  -xu ;  to  finish,  to  overtake,  p.  25'J 
below. 

AM.  ARCH.  ETH.  :!,  17 


250  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

ya  xo  teL  xa,    he  tracked  them.    267-15. 

na  ya  xo  teL  xa,    they  tracked  him.    170-3. 

na  na  ya  xon  niL  xa  ei,   they  found  his  tracks.     170-4. 

xot  da  na  ya  XOL  xa,    down  they  tracked  him.     170-3. 

tcit  teL  xa,    he  tracked  it.    185-12. 

ya  xo  WIL  xaiL,    going  along  they  tracked  him.    170-5. 

-xa,  to  have  position  (said  of  water  or  a  liquid), 
winxa,    (a  lake)  lay.    101-13. 
winxate,    (water)  will  stay.    112-9. 
naaxa,    (droolings)  fill  it.    310-8,311-5. 
nan  xa,    (bodies  of  water)  were.    252-1,  310-1. 
nanxatcifi,    (lake)  lies  toward.    364-10. 

-xa,  -xal,  -xaL,  -xun ;  to  dawn.  It  is  probable  that  this  root 
has  a  more  definite  meaning.  The  subject  of  the  verbs  is  no 
doubt  the  mythical  dawn  maiden. 

ye  IL  xa,    mornings.    290-6. 

ye  it  xa  miL,    at  break  of  day.    356-14. 

yuwiLxal,    mornings.    260-6. 

nai  wiL  xaL  te,    night  will  pass.    242-17. 

Compare,  nais  xun  te,    there  will  be  sunshine.     228-1. 

-xa,  -xan,  -xuii;  to  stand  (said  of  a  tree). 
nai  kyu  win  xa,    (a  pine)  stands.     347-11. 
nakyuwinxa,    (medicine)  grows.    364-11. 
da  kyu  win  xa  ei,    (something)  stood.   242-3. 
kyu  wifixa,    she  left  standing  (a  shrub).    289-8. 
kisxufi,    (a  tree)  standing.    113-7. 
kis  xun  din,    standing  place.    137-17. 

-xan,  -xun ;  to  be  sweet  or  pleasant  to  the  taste, 
xwawilxan,    he  liked  them.    110-5. 
Compare,   kiLLaxun,    deer    (said  to   mean   "with   it    is 

sweet"). 

-xan,  xun,  -xauw;  to  move  in  a  basket  or  other  vessel  any 
liquid  or  smally  divided  substance,  to  catch  with  a  net,  to  dip 
up.  This  is  one  of  the  roots  which  classify  the  object  affected 
according  to  its  size  and  shape  by  being  limited  in  that  regard 
as  to  its  application. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard.— Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.         251 

A)  The  past  definite  has  the  form  -xan. 
ya  win  xan,    he  picked  it  up.    337-6. 
yatexan,    he  pieked  up.    109-16. 

ye  tcu  win  xan,    she  brought  in.     209-10. 

no  a  din  nin  xan, '   she  placed  herself.    223-9. 

no  nin  xan,    she  put  it.     242-7. 

xowatciiixan,   to  her  she  pave.    246-12. 

xo  sa  win  xan,    he  put  it  in  her  mouth.    342-7. 

sa  win  xan,    he  put  it  into  her  mouth.     278-10. 

saxanne,    (a  lake)  in  the  distance  was.    112-13. 

do  tcu  win  xan,    he  does  not  catch  any.    257-9. 

tee  te  xan,    he  took  out.    111-5. 

tcit  tes  xan,    he  took  along.    342-2. 

B)  The  present  definite  has  the  form  -xiifi. 

mis  sai  xun  te,    I  will  put  in  its  mouth.    243-16. 

mis  sa  win  xun  te,    in  his  mouth  she  will  put.    243-10. 

none  xun  te,    I  will  put.    289-2. 

no  nin  xun  te,    if  he  puts.     296-6. 

xa  is  xun  hit,    when  she  had  brought  them  up.     99-9. 

xo  liifi  se  xun,    must  be  there.    112-12. 

sux  xun,    lying  in  a  basket.    171-7. 

do  tcu  win  xun  te,    he  does  not  catch.    256-6. 

tsissuxxun,    lying  there.    223-11. 

c)   The  indefinite  tenses  have  the  form  -xauir. 
ya  wi  xauff  htciLte,   he  will  take  it  up.    295-17. 
mis  sun  xaiur  ne,    its  mouth  put  it  in.    246-14. 
noadiiixaiur,    lay  yourself  down.    223-9. 
no  na  iuir  xauir,    I  leave  it.    247-3. 
nofixauirne,    put  it.    296-14. 
dosaixaiur,   one  can't  swallow.     141-2. 
tin  xauw  ne,   you  take  it  along.    246-13. 
tee  e  xauic,   he  always  caught.    191-2. 

-xait,  -xai ;  to  buy. 

A)   The  past  definite,  customary,  and  impotential  have  the 
form  -xait. 

tcoyatexait,   they  bought.    198-6,  200-8. 

'This  word  means  to  place  one's  self  (a  woman)  in  position  for  inter 
course  and  probably  is  a  figurative  use  of  this  root. 


252  University  of  California  Publications.  CAM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

B)   The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  and  the  imperative 
have  the  form  -xai. 

y6  xai  na  na  kis  deL,    to  buy  they  came  back.     200-7. 
yo  xai  xo  win  sen,   they  all  began  to  buy.     200-3. 

-xe,  -xu ;  to  finish,  to  overtake. 

me  neL  xe  teL,    I  am  about  to  finish.    261-3. 

miL  xoi  niL  xe,    it  went  on  him.    308-8. 

me  neL  xe,    I  finish.    260-15. 

me  niL  xe,    he  finished  it.    296-8. 

hwe  na  tcoL  xe,    let  him  catch  up  with  me.    187-2. 

-xen,  -XUM?  ;  to  float,  used  only  of  plural  objects. 

A)  The  past  definite  tense  has  the  form  -xen. 

no  nun  de  xen,    they  floated  to  the  shore.    216-6. 

xan  xen  nei,    he  came  up.    210-9. 

xot  dan  xen,    they  floated  down.    216-5. 

tan  xen  nei,    (canoe)  went  away.     222-9. 

B)  The  present  indefinite,  customary,  impotential,  and  im 
perative  have  the  form  -xuw. 

no  xu?#,    it  floats  ashore.    346-5. 

-xut,  to  hang. 

nanuwilxut,    hanging  for  a  door.     171-1. 

-xut,  to  tear  down. 

na  is  xut,    he  tore  down.    104-8. 

na  ya  is  xut,   they  tore  down.    267-8. 

Compare,  na  in  xut,     it  dropped  down.     115-14. 

-xut,  -xul;  to  ask,  to  question. 

na  6  dmc  de  xut,    I  ask  you  for  it.    296-10. 

tco  dii  wiL  xut,    she  asked  them.    301-17. 

ted  du  wiL  xut,    he  questioned  it.    266-3. 

yd  du  wit  xul  ILL  te,    they  will  ask  for.    296-3. 

tcu  lawd  wiL  xul  HL  te,    she  will  ask  for.    311-17. 

-xuts,  to  bite,  to  chew. 

no  IL  xuts,   he  chewed  off.    288-5. 

xo  dit  teL  xuts,    she  felt  it  bite.    111-2. 
-xuts,  -xus;  to  pass  through  the  air,  to  fly,  to  fall,  to  throw. 


VOL.  3]    Ooddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          253 

A)  The  definite  tenses  have  the  form  -xiits. 
yawuii  xuts  sil  len,    he  nearly  flew.     170-13. 
yanatxutsei,   he  flew  away.    113-10. 
yanxiitsei,    he  flew  up.    271-2. 

nana  wit  xuts,    lie  nearly  flew  back  down.    114-2. 

n in  xiits,    he  flew.    113-17. 

noninxiits,    something  fell.    246-11,362-9. 

xot  da  na  wit  xuts,    he  fell  back.    152-3. 

da  nat  xiits  tse,    it  lit  on.    204-8. 

da  tcu  win  xiits,   he  flew  up  there.     114-1. 

du  win  xuts,    it  came  off.    157-7. 

tco  xon  niL  xuts,    she  threw  after  him.    159-9. 

ke  win  xuts,    he  fell  over.    105-17. 

B)  The  parts  of  the   verb  other  than  the  present  and  past 
definite  hare  the  form  -xiis. 

yaexxiisxolan,    they  fell  over.    117-17. 

ya  wit  xiis  sil  lei,    he  flew  up.    294-15. 

yanaitxus,    he  kept  flying  up.    113-1. 

waiexussei,    he  threw  at  her.    333-1. 

nawitxiisii.,    he  is  falling.    152-5. 

na  wit  xiis  sil,    he  flew  along  back.    204-7. 

naxiis,    which  fly.    114-9. 

daiinxus,    fly.    114-2. 

datceexiis,    it  used  to  light.    150-9. 

do  he  ya  xo  tcin  te  e  a  xiis,    it    did     not    to    them     reach. 

166-8. 

teexiis,    it  flew  up.     112-16. 
tee  a  xiis,    it  flew.    244-1. 

-sel,  -sei. ;  to  be  or  to  become  warm. 

A)  The  past  has  the  form  -sel. 

naayadissel,    they  warmed  themselves.     170-11. 

B)  The  present  tense  has  the  form  -sei.. 

wa  kin  nin  seL  xo  Ian,    it    was    heated    through    he    saw. 
329-16. 

-sit ;  to  awake. 

tee  in  sit,    he  woke  up.    121-8. 


254  University  of  California  Publications.  [An.  ARCH.  ETH. 

tee  in  sit  hit,    when  she  woke  up.     288-10,  113-8. 
tcin  dis  sit  hit,    when  we  wake  up.    190-4. 

-da,  to  be  poor  in  flesh,  to  become  poor;  when  said  of  the 
mind,  dje,  to  be  sorry. 

tc5  6  da,    let  it  be  sorry.    351-9,  356-1. 
tcondate,    it  will  be  sorry.    353-7. 

-da,  to  carry,  to  move  (said  of  a  person  or  animal). 
yetcuwiLda,    she  carried  in.    191-13. 
xo  wa  IL  da,    she  handed  her.     181-13. 

-dai,  to  bloom,  to  blossom. 

na  kit  te  it  dai  ye,    it  blossoms  again.    364-3. 

kyu  wit  dai  ye  IL  win  te,    it  always  blossoms.     365-4. 

-dai,  -da;  to  sit,  to  stay,  to  remain,  to  fish,  to  wait  for  game. 

A)  The  past  definite  and  the  impotential  have  the  form  -dai. 
matsisdai,    chief  (the  principal  one  who  stays).     329-9. 
me  e  na  nes  dai,   hidden  he  sat  watching.    293-1. 

na  ne  sin  dai,   you  sat  down.    351-1. 
na  nes  dai,    she  sat  down.    136-2. 
na  se  daiuk,   the  way  I  sat.    290-15. 
sit  dai,   he  lived.    278-1. 
da  tcin  nes  dai,   he  sat.    107-12. 
da  tcin  nes  dai,    she  fished.     98-14. 
do  xo  liii  se  dai,    I  can't  stay.    360-11. 
tcin  nes  dai,    he  sat.    101-15. 

B)  The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  customary,  and  im 
perative  have  the  form  -da. 

e  it  da,   it  lies  there.    247-8. 

ya  sit  da  diii,    they  were  staying  place.    299-12. 

na  nes  da  xo  lufi,   he  was  sitting.    270-10. 

ne  e  ne  se  da  te,    I  will  hide  from  you.    328-6. 

sin  dan,   you  stay.    328-6. 

sit  da,   he  was  staying  there.    164-16. 

suw?  da  ne  en  din,    I  used  to  live  place.    272-12. 

da  ne  se  da  te,    I  will  go  fishing.     256-8. 

da  tee  it  da,    he  always  fished.     237-1. 

do  win  da,    all  do  not  stop.    260-19. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard— Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language. 

tsisdayei,   he  lives.    lf>9-16. 

tsisdaneen,    he  used  to  stay.     271-5. 

tsis  da  din,   he  used  to  stay  place.    220-9. 

tsisdate,   he  will  stay.    211-7. 

tee  it  da,   she  used  to  live.    286-2. 

tcin  nes  date,    she  will  sit.     290-14. 

tcu  win  da,   he  stayed.    97-3. 

kyuwinnaida,    to  hunt  (they  travelled).     190-15. 

-dan,  -da;  to  melt  away,  to  disappear. 

A)  The  past  and  the  impotent ial  have  the  form  -dau. 

na  is  dau  we  a  xo  liiii,    it  had  melted  away.    236-1. 

do  xo  liii  it  dau,    they  won't  melt  away.     254-7,  256-14. 

B)  The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  and  imperative  have 
the  form  -da. 

nit  dje  kis  da  te,    (I   wish)  your  mind  would   melt  away. 
259-9. 

-dal,  -daL,  -dame ;    to  pass  along;,  to  go,  to  come. 

A)  The  past  tense  has  the  form  -dal. 

wil  dal  lei,    it  coming  along.     174-7. 

min  na  il  dal,    she  ran  around.     153-2. 

na  wil  dit  dal,    he  ran.     221-7. 

na  wit  dal,    he  went.    223-12. 

na  wit  dal  hit,    when  he  came.    223-7. 

nalditdal,    it  coming  along.     115-15. 

xoLwildal.    with  him  came  along.     115-1. 

B)  The  present  lias  the  form  -daL. 

htra  na  na  wit  daL  din,    in  the  evening.    99-13. 

mux  xun  name  daL  te,    having  gratified  myself  I  will  go 

back.     223-13. 

nanawr  dai.difi.  he  was  coming  back.  152-7. 
na  nauirdaLdin,  sun  gone  down  time.  322-9. 
tcu  wil  daL  tsu,  he  heard  him  coming.  176-11. 


256  University  of  California  Publications.  LAM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

c)  The  imperative,  customary,  and  impotential  have  the 
form  -dautP. 

ye  na  it  damp,   whenever  he  went  back  in.    288-6,336-6. 

ye  nun  damp,    come  in.    98-17,  192-7. 

LenaitdauiP,    he  used  to  make  the  rounds.    336-7. 

hipii,  teL  damp,    (I  wish)  it  would  travel  with  me.  114-11. 

min  na  na  se  it  damp,    around  he  always  went.    346-3. 

nanaedauw;,    (sun)  goes  down.     364-4. 

na na it  dame,    (sun)  gone  down.    104-10. 

na  ne  it  damp,    he  used  to  come  back.    137-1. 

na  nit  damp  xo  lun,    he  had  come  back.     267-7. 

nateitdamp,    she  always  went  home.     237-6. 

na  teL  dit  damp,    she  ran  back.     157-6. 

na  tin  dautc,   you  better  go  back.    329-3. 

do  he  min  teL  damp,    he  did  not  run  for  it.     112-13. 

tcit  teL  damp,   she  ran  up.    152-15. 

-deL, -dil, -diL ;  to  go,  to  come,  to  travel.  Verbs  having  this 
root  are  restricted  to  the  plural.  The  singular  is  expressed  by 
the  root  -yai,  -ya,  -yautP. 

A)  The  definite  tenses  have  the  form  -deL. 
ya  nin  deL,    they  went.    170-9. 
ye  win  deL  te,    they  will  go  in.    255-3. 
yenawodeLte,    you  will  travel  in.    361-12. 
ye  nan  deL,    they  came  back  in.    301-16. 
ya  te  seL  te,    we  will  go.    145-10. 
ye  tcit  te  deL,   they  went  into.    142-9. 
ye  tcu  win  deL,   they  went  in.    278-4. 
wunnaisdeL,    they  started.     101-17. 
Lena  nin  deL  ei,    they  went  clear  round.     102-1. 
menayaisdeL,    they  started  back.    208-16. 
me  nin  tsis  deL,    in  it  they  danced.    216-5. 
me  sit  te  deL,   they  moved  up.    216-15. 
naindeL,    they  got  back.     181-8. 
na  is  deL,   they  had  traveled.    181-15. 
nawesdeL,    it  encircles  (they  encircle).    364-15. 
na  na  ya  nin  deL,    they  arrived.     172-2. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          257 

na  na  nin  deL,    they  went  over.    267-6. 

na  nan  deL,   they  became.    96-6. 

na  nan  deL  xd  Ian,   they  had  become.    119-12. 

nanandeLde,    when  they  come  to  be.    319-3. 

nanasdeLte,    they  will  live.    228-2. 

na  nil.  deL,    he  struck.    120-4. 

nan  deL,    it  snowed.     169-2. 

nan  deL  ei,    they  went  hack.    182-5. 

naseLte  (nasedeLte),   we  will  visit.     174-2. 

nasseL,   they  began  to  walk.    180-16. 

nasdeLte,    they  will  stay.    253-4. 

nasdeLte,    they  will  stay.    253-4. 

nates  deL,   they  started  back.     176-17. 

nates  deL,    they  started  home.    329-18. 

na  kis  deL,    they  came  around,      200-2. 

nin  is  deL,    they  danced.    104-14. 

nintsisdeL,    they  danced.    215-12. 

nin  su  wit  deL,    they  dance.     366-1. 

no ya  nin  deL,   they  sat  down.    280-5. 

no  naiuc  nin  deL,    they  came  to  many.    208-11. 

no  na  nin  deL,    they  lived.    237-1. 

xa  sin  deL  din,    the  coming  up  place.    363-3. 

xoLtesdeL,   with  him  they  went.    110-7. 

XOL  tcit  tes  deL,    they  ran  after  them.    153-16. 

xot  de  ya  is  deL,   they  met  them.    110-8. 

da  no  nin  deL,   they  sat.    179-2. 

da  no  te  deL  te,    everybody  fished.     256-9. 

do  he  nas  deL  °x,   they  could  not  walk  about.     322-7. 

do  tee  nin  deL,    they  did  not  come  out.     102-11. 

ta  des  deL  xo  lun,    they  had  come  ashore.     101-2. 

tes  deL  ei,   they  flew  away.    159-12. 

tes  deL  te,   they  will  come.    252-3. 

tsl  yun  tes  dil  deL,    we  went  away.    200-1. 

tsin  te  tes  dil  deL,    we  ran  away.     198-10. 

tee  na  nin  deL,    they  went  back.    267-9. 

tee  nin  deL  hit,    when  they  came  out.    175-11. 

tee  te  deL,    they  went  out.     141-5. 


258  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

tern  te  deL,    they  got  there.     138-5. 

tcit  tes  deL,    they  went.     170-15. 

tcit  tes  deL  te,   he  was  to  travel  with.    174-9. 

B)  The  customary,  impotential,  and  past  of  the  fourth  con 
jugation  have  the  form  -dil. 

yawitdil,    they  are  traveling.    110-8. 

wit  dil,    (ells)  coming.     253-2. 

muk kut  nai  dil,    we  walk  on  (the  earth).    340-11. 

na  it  dil,    who  go  around.    305-9. 

na  yawitdil,    they  went  along.     172-1. 

na  wit  dil  HL  te,    we  will  visit.    177-2. 

na  na  in  dil,   they  came  back.    182-6. 

na  nan  dil  HL  te,  they  will  live.     343-13. 

na  dil,    they  were  living.    100-7. 

na  te  in  dil,   they  go  home.    333-13. 

ninsindil,    they  danced.     105-7. 

xoLtcuwitdil,    those  following  him.     208-1. 

xu  in  dil,    they  will  pass.    283-15. 

da  wes  dil,   they  waited.    252-7. 

da  wit  dil,    they  live.    365-8. 

do  ye  in  dil,    they  never  come.    305-10. 

do  xo  lin  tin  dil,    they  won't  go.    253-3. 

do  tee  in  dil,    they  never  went  out.    101-10. 

te  in  dil,    they  flew  along.    317-3. 

tsiyunteildil,    they  always  ran  off.     333-11. 

tcit  te  in  dil,    they  traveled.     190-15. 

tcu  wit  dil,    they  came  along.    101-16. 

teu  wit  dil  lit,    as  they  were  going  along.     170-8. 

c)   The  present  indefinite  and  the  imperative  have  the  form 
-diL. 

yai  diL,    let  us  go.    142-14. 

ye  nai  diL,    let  us  go  in.    210-13. 

wei  diL,   we  will  go.    207-7. 

wil  diL  ei,    it  shook.    142-6. 

wun  nai  diL  xo  sin  xo  Ian,    hunting     had     been     he     saw. 

104-11. 
wunnadiLte,    they  will  hunt.    311-14. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Ilupa  Language. 

LeneLte,    (i.enediLte),    let  us  meet.    174-3. 

nai  diL,    let  us  go.     175-16. 

nana  wit  diLte,   the  people  will  live  again.    236-3. 

nanadii.,    comedown.     166-7. 

naniLne,    they  must  live.    317-1. 

na  no  diL,    go  away.    266-15. 

nadir,    who  are  living.     321-3. 

nadiL°x,    they  will  live.     255-8. 

nadir. ne en,   that  used  to  live.    204-15. 

na  diL  din,    he  lived  place.    100-6. 

na  diLte,    they  will  travel.    107-7. 

natindiLtsu,    he  heard  them  coming  home.    329-5. 

na  kit  dii.  xo  Ian,    he  had  been  playing  he  saw.    140-10. 

nin  sin  diL  °x,    they  danced.     105-9. 

nin  so  diL,    make  a  dance.     104-14. 

nit  to  diL,    come.     113-16. 

da  wit  diL  ne  en,     they  used  to  live.     259-4. 

do  nin  sin  diLte  ne  en,    they  would  not  dance.     366-1. 

tin  dii.,    it  is  coming.    199-5. 

tsin  titdildir,,    let  us  run  away.    333-11. 

tee  in  diL  °x,    outside  the  door.     169-9. 

tceindiLmin,    for  them  to  come  out.     102-9. 

tcit  tin  diL,    they  are  coming.    198-2,  138-4. 

tcu  wit  diL  ne  en,    they  used  to  go  about.     102-3. 

-dii,  -dii.,  -deL:  to  strike  (?). 
naniLdeL,    he  struck.     120-4. 

-den,  -din ;  to  travel  in  company.    This  root  is  only  employed 
in  case  of  a  number  of  persons  who  make  a  journey  in  company. 

A)  The  past  has  the  form  -den. 

sa  win  den,    they  all  went.     142-15. 

sa  nan  den,    they  traveled.     116-6,144-10. 

B)  The  present  definite  and  indefinite,  and  the  imperative 
have  the  form  -din. 

sao  din,    travel.     152-7. 

sawodinte,    you  will  travel.    151-6. 

sa  win  din  hit,    when  they  went  out.     322-12. 

sa  nan  din  te,    they  were  going  away.    116-5. 


260  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

-den,  -din;  to  be  light,  to  blaze.  It  seems  possible  that  the 
words  given  below  are  connected  in  meaning.  The  negative  with 
the  verb  may  well  have  the  meaning  of  gloomy,  lonesome,  the 
opposite  of  sunshine. 

A)  The  past  definite,  customary,  and  impotential  have  the 
form  -den. 

yekinnenden,    sunshine  came  in.    305-6. 
na  kinneLden,    she  made  it  blaze.    288-11. 
dea  xa  win  den,    the  time  was  near.    226-2. 
doteuwiLden,    she  was  lonesome.    306-10,220-4. 

B)  The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  and  imperative  have 
the  form  -din. 

ye  kin  nen  din,    light  shone  in.     308-3. 

WOL  din  tail  (-te-  with  some  suffix),  you  will  get  used  to 

it.    180-9. 
na  do  weL  din  tse,    I  am  becoming  lonesome  for.     176-2. 

-dil,  -dh, ;  to  ring,  to  give  a  metallic  response  to  a  blow. 

A)  The  past  definite,  customary,  and  impotential  have  the 
form  -dil. 

kyu  win  dil,   there  was  a  ringing  noise.    96-2. 
kyu  win  dil  le  tsu,    they  heard  it  ring.     152-1. 

B)  The  present  definite  and  indefinite  have  the  form  -diL. 
kyu  win  diL  tsu,    a  jingling  noise.     293-3. 

-dik,  to  peck  (said  of  a  bird), 
yisdik,   he  pecked.    113-13. 
min  noi  kiL  dik,    he  pecked  open.    113-15. 
min  no  ML  dik  te,    he  was  going  to  pick.    113-3. 
min  no  kyoL  dik,    pick  open.    112-17. 
nai  nei.  dik,    he  pecked.     113-9. 
nainteLdik,    he  pecked.     113-14. 

-dik,  to  stand  in  a  line. 

nanuwindik,  they  lined  up.  216-17. 

-dits,  to  twist  into  rope  or  twine. 

ya  kyu  win  dits,    they  made  rqpe.    151-11. 
kyu  win  dits  te,    to  make  rope.     151-6,  8. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  JIupa  Language.  261 

-do,  to  cut,  to  slash. 

naidei.do,    he  cut  him.     164-3. 

ta  naixosdowei,    it  cut  him  to  pieces.     108-2,  106-14. 

-do,  to  quiver,  to  dodj;e,  to  draw  back. 

xa  en  nal  dit  do  wei,    it  drew  back.     105-9. 
donas  do,   they  won 't  dodge.    258-13. 
te  nal  dit  dote,    it  will  draw  back.    273-5. 

-dje,  with  verbs  referring  to  the  mind.    This  root  is  connected 
with  dje  in  xodje,  his  mind,  etc. 

na  xo  win  dje  ei,    his  mind  passed.     340-11. 

-dje  u,  -dje  :  to  fly  in  a  Hock. 

A)  The  past  definite,  customary,  and  impotential  have  the 
form  -dje  u. 

yanatdjeu,    they  came  back.     301-15. 
ye  wit  dje  u,    they  came  in.     299-14. 
no  na  it  dje  u,    they  came  back.    299-10. 
no  nan  dit  dje  u,    they  izot  back.     301-15. 
naditcdjefi,    they  flew  together.    299-1. 

B)  The  present  and  imperative  have  tlic  form  -dje. 
ye  6  ditc  dje  ne,    run  in.     299-13. 

-djin.  to  come  near,  to  bother  something, 
do  me  djin.  it  did  not  mind.  315-4. 
do  mite  djin  te,  it  won't  mind.  315-9. 

-taL, -tul. -tfiL, -tal ;  to  step,  to  kick,  to  do  anything  with  the 
foot. 

A)  The  past  definite  and  present  definite  have  the  form  -taL. 
yinneyaxoi,  taL.    in  the  irround  he  tramped  them.  361-10. 
yekiLtaL,    they  bejran  to  dance.     179-2. 
yetcu wiLta Lei,    they  landed.     362-5. 
noi  du  win  taL  xo  lufi,    he  had  made  a  track.    292-5. 
no  na  du  win  taL,    he  stepped  away.    223-1 1 . 
noduwintaLxolan,    it  had  made  a  track  he  saw.  185-12. 
nokyuwiltaL,    the  finishing:  dance.    104-16. 
da  no  du  win  taL,    he  stepped.     120-3. 


262  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  ETH. 

te  no  du  win  taL,    in  the  water  he  stepped.    120-3. 
tcitteLtaL,    they  danced.    362-3. 

B)  The  customary  and  impotential  have  the  form  -tuL 
nayadeittul,   they  used  to  drag  their  feet.     207-3, 

c)  The  present  indefinite  and  imperative  have  the  form  -tuL. 
yeintuLne,    you  must  step  in.    209-2. 
na  na  tuL  din,   the  stepping  down  place.     207-2. 
no  nai  ya  du  wit  tal,   he  stepped.    207-10. 

-tan,  -tun,  -tuic ;  to  handle  or  to  move  a  long  object.  This  is 
another  of  the  roots  which  classify  the  object  affected  according 
to  the  size  and  shape.  For  some  reason  empty  baskets  are  re 
ferred  to  by  verbs  having  this  root. 

A)  The  past  definite  has  the  form  -tan. 
ya  win  tan,    he  took.     108-18. 
yanawintan,    he  picked  it  up.     112-11,  341-13. 
yetcuwintan,    he  put  in.     96-13. 
yon  tan,    he  kept.    96-8. 
Lei  tan,   were  shut  (his  eyes).    337-8. 
nanawintan,    he  took  down.    97-16. 
no  na  kin  tan,   he  set  the  wedge  again.     109-1. 
no  nin  tan,    he  put.     210-16. 
no  kin  nin  tan,    he  set  the  wedge.    108-11. 
xa  win  tan,    he  drew  from.    211-3. 
xo  wain  tan,    he  gave  him.    211-1. 
xowayaintan,   they  gave  him.     144-14. 
xo  Ian  de  du  win  tan,    he  has  put  in  the  fire.    150-6. 
da  na  win  tan,    he  put  it  down.    97-13. 
da  sit  tan,    it  was  sitting  there.    246-10. 
de  du  win  tan,    he  put  them  in.    150-4. 
djewintan,    it  spread  open.    289-14. 
tana  is  tan,    she  took  it  out  of  the  water.    325-4. 
ta  tee  nin  tan,    he  took  it  out  of.    107-6. 
te  tcu  win  tan,    he  put  in  the  water.     101-14. 
tee  na  nin  tan,    he  took  out.    97-13. 
tee  nin  tan,    he  pulled  out.    329-10. 
tco  nan  tan,    he  held  it.    314-9. 
tcoxontan,   he  held  her.    153-3. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard— Morphology  of  the  II  it  pa  Language.  263 

B)  The  present  definite  has  the  form  -tun. 

ya  win  tiin  hit,    when  he  picked  up.    202-6. 

me  sit  tun,    was  in  it.    243-9. 

sit  tun,    it  was  sitting.    337-4. 

siLtun°x,    it  lay.     266-8. 

da  sit  tun,    it  sits.     246-9. 

dediifrtun,    let  me  put  them  in  the  fire.    150-4. 

dodeduwittun,    why  don't  you  cook.     171-3. 

tcit  tes  tun  de,    if  he  takes  along.    317-13. 
c)    The  present  indefinite,  customary,  impotential,  and  im 
perative  have  the  form  -tiur. 

yanaufrtuir,    I  will  pick  up.    286-9. 

wraiiLtu«r,    he  always  gave.    136-12. 

h?ru  wun  tuir,    hand  me.    278-7. 

daeiuictufr,    I  put.    247-7. 

dodedittmr,    one  must  never  put  in  the  fire.     150-2. 

djenawiLtujf,    he  opened  it.    109-2. 

-tan,  -tun,  -tuw ;  to  split. 

djewintan,    it  spread  open.    289-14. 

dje  na  wiL  tuw,   he  opened  it.    109-2. 

kiLtuM^tse,    someone  splitting  lops  he  heard.    108-5. 

kyu?rtuM%    I  am  splitting.    108-9. 

-tan,  -tun;  to  eat  (used  only  of  the  third  person  singular). 

A)  The  past  definite,  customary,  and  impotential  have  the 
form  -tan. 

yaitan,    he  ate.     109-18. 

yitan,    they  eat.     351-7. 

he  tcit  tan,    even  he  ate.    346-5. 

doxolin  yitan,    she  shall  not  eat.    253-6. 

tcit  tan,    he  ate.    106-5. 

tcit  tan  h/run  te,    he  shall  eat.    107-8. 

B)  The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  and  imperative  have 
the  form  -tun. 

tcit  tun  ne  en,    he  used  to  eat.     346-11. 

-tan  ( ?),-tufi;  the  exact  meaning  is  unknown, 
ua  xo  wii.  tun  te,    it  will  be  wet.    273-6. 
na  XOL  tun,    let  it  get  soft.     233-6. 


264  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

-te,  to  look  for,  to  search  after. 

xai  nit  te,    she  looked  for  it.    243-4. 

xauw  te,   let  me  look  for  it.    104-16. 

xaunte,    it  can  be  seen.    119-4. 

xa  ne  it  te,    she  looked  for  it.    306-13. 

xa  ne  te  te,    I  am  going  to  look  for  it.    336-10. 

xanuwinte,    she  looked  for  it.    111-3,  293-9. 

xante,    look  for  it,     243-3. 

-te,  to  carry  around.  This  root  seems  limited  to  men  and 
animals  in  the  singular  and  is  probably  connected  with  the  root 
-ten,  -tin,  -tuic  given  below. 

me  na  is  te  ei,    she  carried  it.    290-8. 

naiLte°x,    she  carried  it.     290-6. 

naiste,    he  carried  it  around.    282-4. 

Compare,  daeiLte,   they  were  on  a  stick.     186-11. 

tcii  wit  til,    she  was  holding  up.    246-12. 

-te,  to  remain  in  a  recumbent  position.  Compare,  -ten,  -tin, 
-tnw ;  to  assume  such  a  position. 

tee  it  te,   he  used  to  lie.    207-2,  288-7. 
tcinnote,    he  might  lie.     169-4. 

-ten,  -tin,  -tuw ;  to  move  or  to  carry  in  any  way  a  person, 
animal  or  animal  product.  This  is  another  of  the  classifying 
roots  applicable  only  to  individual  objects  of  certain  character. 
For  a  plural  object  -lai,  -la,  -Iwv  is  employed. 

A)   The  past  definite  has  the  form  -ten. 

a  dit  ta  tcu  wiL  ten,    he  put  him  in  his  sack.    221-6. 

ya  WIL  ten  nei,    she  picked  him  up.     287-3. 

ya  XOL  ten,    he  has  taken  him.    151-4. 

yanawiLten,    she  put  it  in.     136-5. 

yetcuwiLten,    she  put  it  in.    289-17. 

ye  tcu  WIL  ten  nei,    he  took  him  in.    222-8. 

yinne  tcu  WIL  ten  nei,    he  put  him  in  the  ground.    215-3. 

Le  na  nil,  ten,    he  took  it  all  the  way  around.     293-10. 

naiLditten,    he  brought  it  back.    283-4. 

na  IL  dit  ten  nei,    she  took  him  back.     287-6. 

na  teL  ten,    he  took  it  along.    282-3. 


VOL.  3]     Godttord. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  265 

no  ya  xon  nil,  ten.    they  loft  him.     169-7. 

nonaniLten.    he  put  it.    '221-11. 

no  na  xon  nil.  ten.    he  laid  her.     342-10. 

hirin  nil  wil  ten,    I  was  brought  here.    180-7. 

xai  xos  ten  nei,    they  took  her  up.    239-1. 

xaisten,    she  brought  up.    99-2. 

xanawiLten.    he  dug  it  out.    221-10. 

xoi  kya  nil,  ten,    he  took  it  from  him.     222-7. 

da  na  XOL  ten,    he  put  him.     108-1. 

dasiLteii,    lying  on  something.     1S6-4. 

da  du  wil  ten,    he  has  been  carried  off.     150-10. 

da  tee  xo  diL  ten,    she  has  taken  him  away.    159-5. 

tana  is  ten  nei,    he  has  taken  it  out.    217-17. 

tcenaxonniLten,    he  took  out.     153-7. 

tee  nil.  ten,    he  took  out.    282-2. 

tee  xo  nil.  ten,    they  took  him  out.    278-4. 

tee  xo  teL  ten,    he  took  him  along.    210-15. 

tcitteLten,    he  took  along.     152-9. 

tcuwiLten,    he  put  him.     152-9. 

tcwin  dai  WIL  ten,    he  spoiled.     221-13. 

ke  wu  tco  XOL  ten,    somebody  hid.     1 81-12. 
B)  The  present  definite,  lias  the  form  -tin. 

ye  tcti  WIL  tin  de,    if  they  will  take  them  in.    302-7. 

yin  ne  tcii  wii,  tin,    in  the  ground  they  have  put.    221-3. 

nona  xon  nir.tin  neen,    he  caught  up  with  him.     176-11. 

no  nil.  tin  din,    he  put  it  place.     266-9. 

do  no  nil.  tin  te  sil  len,    he  did  not  want  to  leave  it.    293-8. 

te  SOL  tin  te,   you  will  take.     222-7. 

tee  na  xon  ner,  tin,    I  brought  it  down.    273-7. 
c)  The  parts  of  the  verb  with  the  exception  of  the  past  and 
present  definite  have  the  form  -tii»r. 

yauwtuic,    let  me  pick  it  up.    286-11. 

yooLtuic,    put  in.    362-6. 

no  na  XOL  tu/r,    he  had  her  laid.    342-8. 

xa  na  xo  ii,  tujr,    she  kept  lifting  him  out.     223-15. 

tanauirtuh/nLte,    I  will  take  out.    26718. 

kyu  wa  na  IL  tu»f ,    he  who  gives  back.    241-4. 

Compare,  tcuwiLtel,    he  was  bringing.     329-6. 

AM.  ARCH.  ETU.  3, 18. 


266  University  of  California  Publications.  [An.  ARCH.  ETH. 

-ten,  -tin,  -tuM;,  -te;  to  lie  down.  It  seems  possible  that  this 
root  is  connected  with  the  preceding.  The  first,  however,  char 
acterizes  transitive  verbs  and  has  the  sign  of  verbs  of  the  second 
class  while  the  verbs  given  below  are  intransitive. 

A)  The  past  definite  lias  the  form  -ten. 

XOL  tcin  nes  ten,    with  her  he  lay.     223-13. 

sit  ten,    she  was  lying.     145-8. 

da  sit  ten,    (dog)  was  lying.    114-16. 

do  he  IdL  tcin  nes  ten,    he  did  not  have  intercourse.    104-7. 

tcin  nes  ten,    he  lay.    281-5. 

B)  The  present  definite  has  the  form  -tin. 
sit  tin,    she  lying.     117-2. 

sit  tin  ne  en  din,    he  used  to  lie  place.    295-2. 

sit  tin  te,      (if )  they  lie.    307-11. 

ML  ne  se  tin  te,    I   will  have   intercourse   with   a  woman. 

104-7. 

c)    The  present  indefinite,  customary,  impotential  and  the 
second  person  of  the  imperative  have  the  form  -tuw. 
na  nu  win  tu  hwiL  ne,    you  must  lie.    343-12. 
tcin  ne  tuw  din,    she  goes  to  bed  time.    334-1. 

D)  The  first  and  third  persons  of  the  imperative  have  the 
form  -te. 

xoLneu?/;te,    let  me  lie  with  her.    223-12. 
tcin  note,    he  might  lie.     169-4. 

-tetc,  to  lie  down,  to  go  to  bed  (used  only  with  a  plural  sub 
ject).  For  the  root  applicable  to  the  singular  see  -ten,  -tin.  -tuw 
and  -te. 

ya  nes  tetc,  they  went  to  bed.    169-7. 

win  tetc,     they  lay  there.    322-4. 

me  sit  dit  tetc,    we  would  be  lying  in.     190-4. 

me  tsis  tetc,    they  lie  in.    306-8. 

ne  it  tetc,    they  always  lay.     333-12. 

sit  tetc  flx,    they  lay  there.    322-6. 

tsis  tetc,   they  were  lying.    190-6. 

-tits,  to  use  as  a  cane.  The  occurrence  of  this  root  is  of  in 
terest  since  it  is  an  added  case  of  a  monosyllabic  noun's  being 
used  as  a  root. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  267 

kit  teL  tits,    he  used  for  a  cane.    317-7. 

kit  teL  tits,    he  walked  with  a  cane.    152-12. 

-tik ;  exaet  meaning  unknown. 

teeniLtik,    he  pinched  out.    143-14. 

-to,  referring  to  the  movement  or  position  of  water, 
no  it  to,    the  water  coines.    310-7. 
not6°x,    water  staid.    324-3. 
-ton,  -ton  ;*    to  jump, 
ya  wil  ton,    he  jumped  up.    165-9. 
yaltdnei,    (his  neck)  jumped  off.    163-18. 
ye  e  il  ton  xo  Ian,    birds  used  to  jump  in.    117-17. 
yena  wil  de  ton,    in  she  jumped.    135-11. 
nadu  wil  dit  ton,    he  jumped  off.    107-14. 
da  wil  ton  ei,    he  jumped.    115-9. 
datcuwilton,    he  jumped.    109-14. 
tcetcilton,    he  jumped  out.    163-16. 

-tot,  to  drink,  to  suck.  This  root  may  be  connected  with  -to, 
referring  to  water,  but  it  may  also  be  onomatopoetic.  Compare 
-tsots,  to  kiss. 

tcittetot,    he  drank.    112-15. 

-tu,  to  beg. 

kyun  xo/r  tu,    I  am  begging.    152-13. 

-tu,  -te,  -tel :  to  sing  in  a  ceremony  or  dance.  For  the  root 
which  is  applicable  to  an  individual  singing  by  himself  see 
-au,  -a. 

A)  The  past  definite,  customary,  and  impotential  have  the 
form  -tu. 

menakyuwir.  tu,    they  sang  again.    238-15. 
me  kyu  wii,  tu,    he  sang.    234-6. 

B)  The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  and  imperative  have 
the  form  -te.     The  verbs  given  below  have  this  form  plus  the 
suffix  denoting  progression  -1,  -L. 

me  ya  kyu  wiL  tel,    they  sang.    234-1. 
me  kyu  wiL  tel,   someone  singing.    235-4. 

1  There  is  a  glottal  stop  between  the  vowel  and  the  nasals  which  are 
surds. 


268  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  ETH. 

-tuk,  to  count. 

miL  tcoL  tiik  te,    he  will  count.    259-18. 

-tan,  to  hover,  to  settle,  to  fly  around. 

nai  xoi  IL  tau,    it  flew  around  her.    333-8. 
na  win  tau,    it  will  settle  down.    273-7. 

-tan,  relating  in  any  way  to  wax,   or  substances  that  are 
wax-like. 

me  it  tan,  he  stuck  to  (wax).  202-3. 
me  win  tan  ne,  he  stuck  to  it.  202-7. 
kewiitan,  he  put  on  (pitch).  150-12. 

-tats,  -tus ;  to  cut  a  gash,  to  slit  up,  to  cut  open,  to  dress  eels. 

A)  The  definite  present  and  past  have  the  form  -tats, 
yai  kyu  wil  tats,    a  blanket  of  strips.    207-5. 

min  no  ya  kin  tats  te  ne  en,    they  were  going  to  cut  open. 

278-5. 
min  no  kyu  wit  dit  tats  te,       we    are    going    to    cut    open. 

102-15. 

no  na  wit  tats,    it  is  cut  down.    144-17. 
kit  te  tats,    he  cut  them.    101-1,  98-16. 

B)  The  tenses  other  than  the  definite   present  and  past  have 
the  form  -tus. 

-te,  to  have  some  particular  form,  appearance,  or  nature;  to 
be,  to  exist. 

a  in  te,    how  he  appeared.    209-5. 

ainte,    (smart)  he  is.    141-4. 

a  na  nu  we  sin  te  te,    you  will  look  that  way.    357-5. 

a  na  kin  nit  te,    it  grows.     356-10. 

a  ne  e  te,    he  looked  that  way.    321-7. 

anuweste,    he  looked  (that  way).    143-14. 

a  tcin  te  detc,    he  must  be  then.    363-17. 

un  te,    there  is.    209-15. 

un  te  ye,    how  it  looked.    209-6. 

unteneen,    (sickness)  used  to  be  seen.    235-18. 

xa  a  na  kin  nit  te,    it  grows  up  again.    356-14. 

xaxananuwistete,   it  will  be  lighter  (in  weight).  357-6. 

tin  til  teox  un  te,    it  looked  very  strong.    294-2. 

kin  tis  seox  un  te,    the  smart  one.    326-1. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Ifupa  Language.  269 

-ten,  -tin :  to  do,  to  perform  an  act. 

A)  The  past,  customary,  and  im potential  have  the  form  -ten. 
aya/en,    they  did.    305-5. 

anaditfen,    wo  did.    1217-7. 

a  fen.    it  did  it.     120-9. 

a  ten  ka,    the  way  they  do.    231-5. 

da  xo  a  ten,    who  die.    346-4. 

doxaamrfen,    1  never  do  that.    109-4. 

do  xo  lin  da  xo  a  ten,   they  won 't  die.    253-7. 

B)  The  present  and  imperative  have  the  form  -tin. 

au/r  tin  ne  en,    I  used  to  do.    341-7. 

ayafifi,    they  do.    198-5. 

ayafinneen,    they  used  to  do  that.    306-1. 

afinweste,    (a  basket)  had  done.    325-10. 

a/inte,    he  will  do.    215-9. 

wun  no  xon  nil.  tin  te,    he  is  going  to  get  him  to  do.  141-13. 

naaiurfiii,    (what) am  I  doing!    163-4. 

xa  a  tin  win  te,   she  always  did  that.    136-14. 

xaa  tinweste,    the  same  thing  it  always  did.    325-11. 

xa  a  tin  te,    that  way  will  do  it.    229-8. 

xaatintei..    that  it  will  do.    235-1. 

do  da  xo  a  tin,    would  never  die.    221-13. 

-ten,  to  address  with  term  of  relationship  or  friendship.  Tt 
is  not  unlikely  that  this  root  is  connected  with  the  last.  The  first 
part,  Lin,  may  be  some  obsolete  monosyllabic  noun.  The  mean 
ing  might  be  then,  to  make  one  i.in,  "a  relative." 

i.in  win  ten  nei,    she  called  him.    139-9. 

LinxSwiHen,    he  addressed  her.    98-10. 

i.iiwin/en,    she  addressed  her.    181-9. 

-fen,  to  marry  (said  of  a  man  only).  This  root  occurs  only 
with  ut,  prefixed,  which  is  a  noun  in  common  use  meaning 
"wife.''  The  remarks  above  connecting  the  last  given  root  with 
-ten,  -tin,  "to  do,"  applies  here  also. 

ut  ten,   he  married.    210-11. 

lit  ten  tsis  lin  tcin,    he  married.     145-13. 


270  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

4ik,  to  encircle,  to  tie  with  a  string. 

min  na  na  wil  £ik,    a  string  tied  around.    353-4. 
nakyuwiHik,    (his  head)  was  tied  with  a  string.  351-10. 

-to,  relating  to  mutual  motions  of  one  or  the  other  of  two 
objects  by  means  of  which  one  is  inserted  into  the  other  or  with 
drawn  from  it. 

yaadiLio,    he  put  on  (as  a  shirt  is  put  on).    328-12. 
yenaxowiHo,    he  was  dressed  in.    328-8. 
ye  tcu  wiL  to,   he  slipped  them  one  into  the  other     329-1. 
me  tee  ya  niL  £6,    they     skinned     him     (as     a     rabbit     is 

skinned).    328-5. 
tee  IL  £5,    he  pulled  out  the  knot.    332-12. 

-tsai,  to  be  or  to  make  dry. 

OL  tsai  ne,    dry  them.    101-4. 

na  xo  wii  tsai  ei,    it  was  dried  up.    111-14. 

na  xo  WIL  tsai  ye,    (I  wish)  creeks  would  dry  up.     111-12. 

xo  WIL  tsai  ye  de,   until  it  becomes  dry.    255-7. 

xo  wiL  tsai  ye  te,    if  it  becomes  shallow.    259-16. 

-tsan,  -tsun ;  to  find,  to  see. 

A)   The  past,  customary.,  and  impotential  have  the  form  -tsan. 
a  d5  iute  tsan,    I  didn  't  find  it.    243-16. 
iuwtsan,    I  found  (I  conceived  a  child).    286-6. 
ya  XOL  tsan,    they  saw  him.    101-16. 
yd  XOL  tsan  nei,    it  saw  him.    204-4. 
naiLtsan,    he  found  signs.    185-11. 
nai  XOL  tsan  ne  te,    it  will  find  him.    307-13. 
na  ya  XOL  tsan,    he  found  them.    267-15. 
na  hwoL  tsan,    you  see  me.    230-5. 
na  xo  wes  tsan,    he  was  found.    230-3. 
xoic  tsan,    I  saw  him.    351-9. 
do  ya  iL  tsan,    they  did  not  see.    98-7. 
do  ya  XOL  tsan,    he  did  not  see.    238-14. 
do  wil  tsan,    it  was  not  seen.    341-9. 
do  naiLtsan,    she  did  not  find  again.    243-16. 
do  na  ya  x5L  tsan  nei,   they  did  not  see  him.    152-6. 
do  na  xo  wes  tsan,    he  was  not  longer  seen.    226-5. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hiipa  Language.  271 

do  he  tciL  tsan.   he  didn  't  find  her.    340-8. 
do  tciL  tsan,   she  could  not  find.    159-4. 
tciL  tsan,   she  gave  birth.    189-7. 
tcir- tsan  nei,    she  saw.    242-4. 

B)    The  prevent  and  imperative  have  the  form  -tsun. 
iuirtsuii,    (I  wish)  I  could  see.    33(5-9. 
iujrtsunte,    (where)  am  I  going  to  find.    244-7. 
yiLtsunte,    she  will  see.    103-15. 

do  ii.  tsun  te  xo  lufi,   you  can't  find  it  anywhere.     246-6. 
do  na  IL  tsun  de,    they  won 't  find  again.    321-10. 
donahiru  westsufi  hiriifi,    I     must    not    be    seen    again. 

217-18. 
do  na  XOL  tsun  °x  xo liii,    you    won't    see    him    any    more. 

306-6. 

-tsas,  to  swin.tr  a  stick  about,  to  whip, 
kit  teL  tsas,    he  whipped.    317-9. 
kit  te  SCL  tsas  te,    I  will  whip.    317-8. 

-tsat,  -tsa ;  to  sit  down. 

A)  The  customary  and  impotential  have  the  form  -tsat. 

B)  The  present  indefinite  and  imperative  have  the  form  -tsa. 
damn  tsa,    sit.    107-12. 

-tse,    to  open  or  shut  a  sliding  door. 

na  te  wits  tse,    the  door  was  open.    118-5. 
na  te  dit  tse  yei,    he  opened  it.    100-10. 
natetse,    he  opened  the  door.    118-2. 
na  te  tse  yei,    he  opened  the  door.    97-10. 
no  na  it  tse,    she  always  shut  the  door.    158-1. 
no  nau  wit  tse,    the  door  was  shut.    159-2. 
nonawiLditstse,    he  had  a  door  shut.    97-2. 
no  na  niii  tse,    he  shut  a  door.    96-9. 

-tse,  to  stay,  to  live  (used  only  with  a  plural  subject), 
yadelseei,    they  lived.    145-13. 
yadeLtse,   they  were  living.    135-1. 

yin  ne  tcin  deL  tse,    in  the  ground  they  are  staying.  361-2. 
na  ya  del  tse,    they  lived  as  before.    172-5. 


272  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

na  del  tse.    they  stayed.    102-3. 
nadeLtse,   they  are  living-.    217-8. 
de  SOL  tse  te,   you  will  stay.    152-10. 
des  dil  tsefi,    we  better  wait.    265-5. 

-tseL,  -tsil,  -tsii,;  to  pound  as  with  a  hammer  or  maul.  It  is 
possible  that  this  root  is  connected  with  the  noun  tse,  "a  stone," 
since  the  hammers  were  pestle-shaped  stones. 

A)  The  definite  present  and  past  tenses   have  the  form  -tseL. 
djewiLtseL,   he  pounded  it.    108-11. 

tcit  du  wii,  tseL,    he  pounded  it  off.    281-16. 

Ids  tseL  tse,    he  heard  pounding.    170-6. 

Compare  ya  na  kyu  wir,  tsil  HL  te, '    they  may  split.  109-8. 

B)  The  customary  and  impotential  have  the  form  -tsil. 

c)  The  present  indefinite  and  imperative  probably  have  the 
form  -tsii.. 

-tsis,  to  be  hanging. 

naLtsis,    it  is  hanging  (a  blanket).    204-12. 
na  naL  tsis,    it  hung.    207-9. 

-tsis,   to  see,  to  find,  to  know. 

yo  naL  tsis  de,   who  knows.    348-6. 

xotc  tsis,    I  saw  him.    353-3. 

do  yiL  tsis,    one  never  sees.    141-9. 

do  na  ya  iL  tsis,   they  never  saw.    191-5. 

do  xo  lin  tciL  tsis,    he  will  not  see.    317-13. 

do  xo  liii  naL  tsis,    never  you  will  see.    361-11. 

do  tciL  tsis,    he  never  found.    336-7. 

do  tco  XOL  tsis,   he  saw  nobody.    238-8. 

-tsit,    to  pound,  as  in  a  mortar. 

ya  kyu  win  tsit,    they  pounded  acorns.    180-4. 
na  kyu  win  tsit,    she  pounded  again.    185-4. 
donitdjeteltsitne,    don't   get   excited    (not   your   heart 

pound).    170-18. 

tee  it  tsit,    he  always  pounds.    227-8. 
tcu  win  tsit,    he  pounded.    319-8. 
kyu  win  tsit,   she  was  pounding  acorns.    185-1. 

1  The  form  -tsil  is  no  <loubt  due  to  the  suffix. 


VOL.  3]    Qoddard.— Morphology  of  the  Jin  pa  Language.  273 

-tsit,    to  know  a  person,  or  some  fact  or  formula, 
otrtsil  liLte,    I  will  know.    272-7. 
6 L tsit,   you  know  (my  formula).    296-13. 
yonaLtsitte,    who  will  know.    296-7. 
do  na  ya  XOL  tsit,    they  did  not  know  him.     166-15. 
tcoii. tsit,    she  found  out.    334-5. 
teoLsillil,    he  knew  it.    272-14. 
tcoi.  tsit,    he  knew  it.    340-6. 
ted  naL  tsit,    she  knew.    191-15. 
tconai.tsitde,    if  he  knows.    343-6. 
tco  nar.  tsit  te,    who  shall  know.    279-2. 

-tsit.    to  fall,  to  sink. 

nail  tsit,    it  falls.  275-3. 

nail  tsit  te.    (birds)  would  drop  down.     104-11. 
naltsit,    it  fell.    306-16. 
nanal  dit  tsit  din.    whore  it  fell.    96-4. 
na  xd  wil  tsit  xo  lun,    it  fell.    306-1 5. 
tewiltsit,    (eanoe)  sank.    153-17. 

Compare,  til  tsit  °x,    it    will    always    he    in    her    hands. 
325-13. 

-tsit,    to  soak  or  leaeh  acorn  meal. 

kit  tai  yiL  tsit,    they  were  soaking  acorns. 

kit  ta  ya  WIL  tsit,    they  soaked  the  meal.    180-4. 

kit  tai.  tsit  xo  sin,    they  were  soaking  acorns.    210-9. 

-tsit,    to  pull  out  a  knot. 

XOL  tee  niL  tsit,    with  him  he  untied  it.    108-1. 
tee  niL  tsit,    he  untied  the  strap.    106-2. 

-tsit.    to  wait,  to  delay  an  act. 

don  ka  tsit,    hold  on.    329-14,222-6. 

-tsots  (-tsos),  to  make  a  kissing-like  noise,  to  smack  one's 
lips.  This  root  is  probahly  onomatopoetic.  Kissing  was  not 
practiced  by  the  Hupa.  It  seems  never  to  have  been  done  by 
adults  and  the  kissing  of  babies  was  thought  unlucky. 

ylkyu  wit  tsos  sil,    they  were  sucking.    325-5. 

kyodiL  tsots  ne,    make  a  kissing  noise.    111-7. 

kvodu  wii.  tsots  tse,    a  kissing  noise  she  heard.    111-9. 


274  University  of  California  Publications.  EAM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

-tsu,  -tse,  to  squirm,  to  writhe,  to  roll,  to  tumble. 

A)  The  past  definite,  customary,  and  impotential  have  the 
form  -tsu. 

naistsu,    he  rolled  about.    119-4. 

do  he  kit  tcin  no  na  in  di  tsu,    he  could  not  roll  over.  121-8. 

B)  The  present  indefinite  and  imperative  have  the  form  -tse. 
natse,    rolling  around.    157-4,289-1. 

na  tse  din,    (where)  he  rolled.    119-5. 

-teat,  -tea ;  to  be  sick,  to  become  ill. 

A)  The  past  definite,  customary,  and  impotential  have  the 
form  -teat. 

du  win  teat,    it  got  sick.     241-9. 

xoi  de  ai  du  win  teat,    his  head  ached.     175-15. 

tcit  du  win  teat,    she  was  sick.    286-7. 

B)  The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  and  imperative  have 
the  form  -tea. 

duwintcate,    (babies)  will  get  sick.    242-15. 

tcit  du  win  tea  te,    she  was  going  to  be  sick.    286-7. 

-tee,  to  blow  (intransitive,  said  of  the  wind), 
ye  kyu  wes  tee,    the  wind  blew  in.    270-4. 
ye  kyu  wes  tee  te,    the  smoke  will  blow.    301-8. 
xa  kyu  witc  tee  HL  te,    from  the  ground  the  wind  will  blow 

out.    272-10. 

xot  da  na  we  sin  tee  te,    you  will  blow  down.    227-6. 
xot  da  na  kyu  we  sin  tee  te,    you  will  blow  down.     227-5. 
xot  dan  tee,    it  blows.     227-3. 
xot  da  kyu  wes  tee,    it  blows.    227-7. 

da  na  kit  du  wit  tee  iL  te,    the  wind  will  blow  gently.  273-1. 
da  kit  de  it  tee,    it  blew.    324-6. 
da  kit  du  wes  tee,   the  wind  blew.    324-4. 
da  kyu  wes  tee,   the  wind  blew  on  it.    348-3. 
do  xot  dan  tee,    it  never  blows.    227-6. 
ta  nai  kyu  wes  sin  tee  te,    blow  out  to  sea  with  you.     228-5. 
ta  kit  den  tee,    the  wind  blows  out  of  the  water.    365-12. 
te  kyu  wes  tee  ei,    in  the  water  it  blew  she  saw.    324-9. 
tee  kyu  wes  tee,    it  blew  out.    324-8. 
kyu  wit  tee  il,   it  blew  along.    324-7. 


VOL.  3]     (ioddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          275 

-tcit,  to  die. 

ifurtcitte.    I  will  die.    346-18. 

do  he  tcit  tcit,    he  did  not  die.    164-1. 

tcitdei,    it  died.    2(56-8. 

tcit  te  tcit,    he  was  tired  out.    165-6. 

tcittetcit,    he  was  almost  dead.    111-16. 

tcit  tcit  xo  Ian,    he  died.    347-3. 

tcit  tcitdei,    he  died.    164-4. 

do iutc tcutt? httmn,    I  won't  die.    346-13. 

-tcut,  to  strip  off,  to  take  bark  from  a  tree. 

wun  do  wh.  tcut,   he  took  (bark  from  a  tree),    96-12. 

-tcwai.  -tcwa ;  to  handle  or  move  many  small  pieces,  such  as 
the  soil ;  to  dig,  to  bury,  to  paw  the  ground.  This  is  one  of  the 
roots  which  limits  the  verbs  employing  it  to  a  certain  class  of 
objects. 

A)  The  past  definite,  customary,  and  impotential  have  the 
form  -tcwai. 

ya  xo  win  tcwai,    they  buried  him.     172-4. 

da  nai  ke  xon  tcwai,    he  pawed  the  dirt.    115-6. 

tcit  te  tcwai,    she  buried  in  several  places.     192-12. 

B)  The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  and  imperative  have 
the  form  -tcwa. 

wit  tcwa,    (salmon) buried.    192-17. 
wit  tcwa  ta,    they  are  buried  places.    180-11. 
xa  na  ya  wit  tcwai,    they  dug  up  along.    181-7. 
tco  xon  ne  itc  tcwa  ei,    he  threw    at    her    (a    handful    of 
twigs).    333-3. 

-tcwan,  -tcwuri;  referring  to  the  eating  of  a  meal  in  company. 

A)  The  past  definite  tense  Jias  the  form  -tcwan. 
na  del  tcwan,    eating.    321-6. 

naduwil  tcwan,    it  was  supper  time.    141-1. 
no  din  nil  tcwan,    they  finished  supper.    141-4. 

B)  The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  hare  the  form  -tcwun. 
nade  il  tcwiin  din,    Tule  ranch    (where  they  always  take 

the  meal).    328-10. 
nadiltewim,    (he  heard)  eating.    176-9. 


276  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

-tcwen,  -tcwin,  -tcwe;    (transitive)   to  make,  to  arrange,  to 
cause. 

A)  The  past  definite  has  the  form  -tcwen. 
anadistcwen,   he  made  himself .    101-14. 
a  dis  tcwen,    he  made  himself.    102-6. 

ya  is  tcwen,   they  made  up  (loads).    171-17. 

ya  WIL  ditc  tcwen,   they  had  made.    138-7. 

ya  na  tuk  kai  tcis  tcwen,    he  made  come  between.     144-2. 

yakiLtsistcistcwen,    he  made  it  sprinkle.    338-2. 

wil  tcwen,    it  was  made  of.    164-13,  203-11,  221-10. 

wufi  un  LO  tcis  tcwen,    about  it  he  laughed.    151-15. 

na  is  tcwen,   he  made.    110-12. 

na  is  tcwen,   he  placed  it.    314-7. 

naya  is  tcwen,    they  made.     284-1. 

na  SCL  tcwen,    I  made.    296-2. 

do  he  tcwitc  tcis  tcwen,    she  did  not  make  wood.     157-5. 

tcis  tcwen,   he  made.    336-8. 

tcis  tcwen,   he  begot.    360-6. 

ted  xos  tcwen,    he  made  (him).    114-8. 

kit  ti  yoir  tcis  tcwen,    she  made  it  to  flow.    158-12. 

B)  The  present  definite  has  the  form  -tcwin. 

a  da  yis  tcwin  te,    he  makes  for  himself.    338-6. 

a  dis  tcwin  te,    he  might  make.    363-5. 

na  is  tcwin  teL,    he  will  make.    321-11. 

na  seL  tcwin,    I  make.    302-11. 

na  seL  tcwin  te,    I  will  make  it.    257-14. 

noi  na  seL  tcwin  te,    I  will  bury  it.    282-6. 

seL  tcwin,    I  will  make.    290-8. 

SCL  tcwin  te,    I  will  make  it.    152-3. 

do  nais  tcwin,    nobody  could  make.    322-8. 

do  tcis  tcwin  hrnm,    he  must  not  do.    116-15. 

tcis  tcwin  te,    she  was  going  to  make.    306-13. 

tcis  tcwin  te,    he  was  going  to  cause.    98-1. 

c)   The  present  indefinite,  customary,  impotential,  and  im 
perative  have  the  form  -tcwe. 

e  iiiw  tcwe,    I  make.    241-2. 
iu«<  tcwe,    let  me  make.    278-7. 


Vor..  3 1    (lodfard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  277 

iL  tcwe,    make  it.    278-8. 

yin  neL  in  ya  xoi  iL  tcwe,   they  made  them  to  see.     180-1. 

nai  xoi  IL  tcwe  ei,    they  make  him.     196-6. 

nauir  tcwe,    I  am  going  to  make.    301-1. 

nayaixoi  ii.  tcwe,    they  make  him.    196-3. 

hiriLtcwe.    make  me.    114-3. 

tciLtcwe,    someone  making.     102-13. 

kin  nuir  xti  ifur  tcwe.    I  notify  him.    241-3. 

D)   Having  a  progressive  suffix. 

xo  wiLtcwei.te,    who  fixes  the  place.    229-13. 

ted  xo  WIL  tcwel  liLte,  who  will  fix  the  dance  place.  211-16. 

-tcwen.  -tcwiii.  -tcwe:  (intransitive)  to  grow,  to  become. 

A)  The  past  definite  has  the  form  -tcwen. 

a  til  tedx  teL  tcwen,   he  is  growing  strong.    294-17. 

yateL  tcwen,    they  grew.    265-1. 

LC  mil  ditc  tcwen  nexd  lun.    it  had  grown  together.     113-8. 

na  is  tcwen  nei,    that  grew.    2S7-7. 

na  teL  ditc  tcwen,    he  grew.    96-1. 

xoi,  xas  tcwen  nei,    it  grew  up.    137-18. 

XOL  teL  tcwen.    it  grew  with  him.    137-18. 

do  he  teL  tcwen,    it  had  not  grown.    96-7. 

te  il  tcwen  ne  dun,    the  time  when  it  grew.    275-2. 

teL  tcwen,    it  grew.    96-3. 

teL  tcwen  xo  Ian,    it  had  grown  he  saw.    97-18. 

te  sil  tcwen  ne  dun,    ever  since  you  grew  time.    337-13. 

til  tcwen,    (which)  grows.    296-12. 

tol tcwen,    let   it  grow.      265-6.       (The    form    -tcwifi    is 

regular  in  this  place.) 
tcittei.  tcwen.    one  after  the  other  grew.    207-1. 

B)  The  present  definite  has  the  form  -tewin. 

Lenal  ditc  tcwifi  xo  Ian  din,    it  had  grown  together  place. 

281-15. 

na  teL  ditc  tcwifi  xo  lun.    it  had  grown.    119-10. 
xal  tcwifi  xo  Ian,    growing  up  he  saw.    319-8. 
teL  tcwifi  xo  lun,    it  had  grown.    306-17. 
teL  tcwin  te,    when  it  grows.    267-5. 


278  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

tes  tcwin  ne  en  tcin,    where  I  was  brought  up.    117-13. 

til  tcwin  ne  en,    it  used  to  grow.    233-1. 

tee  na  il  tcwin  hit,    when  he  came  to  life  again.    347-4. 

tcit  teL  tcwin  hwufi,    he  may  grow.    348-6. 

Compare,  wmo  tcwiL  dun,    when  I  was  growing.     180-7. 

-tcwen,  -tcwin  ;  to  smell,  to  stink,  to  defecate. 

A)  The  past  definite  has  the  form  -tcwen. 
axowiLtcwen,    it  smells.    301-10. 

tcii  win  tcwen,    he  defecated.     110-6. 

B)  The  present  definite  and  indefinite  have  the  form  -tcwin. 
RL  tcwin,    you  smell.     165-4. 

axowiLtcwin,    it  smells.    301-12. 

a  xo  W!L  tcwin  te,    it  will  smell.    302-9. 

mis sa niL tcwin,    buzzard  (its  mouth  stinks).    112-17. 

Compare,  yai  xos  tcwuw,  they  smelled  of  him.     165-3. 

-tcwen,  -tcwin ;  to  want  food  or  sexual  gratification,  to  desire. 

A)  The  past  definite  has  the  form  -tcwen. 
me  du  win  tcwen,    he  wanted.    110-16. 

me  du  win  tcwen,    he  wanted  to  have  intercourse.    280-6. 

B)  The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  have  the  form  -tcwin. 
me  duw?  tcwin,    I  want.    254-12. 

do  me  duM?  tcwin,    I  do  not  want.    97-8,  253-5. 
tse  me  de  tcwin,    I  feel  hungry  for.    97-7. 


-tcwil ;  exact  meaning  unknown. 

me  na  tcwil  HL  te,    it  will  settle.    117-11. 


-tcwit,  to  push,  to  pull  off  or  break  off  leaves  and  twigs,  to 
shoot,  to  rub  one 's  self  in  bathing,  to  bring  water. 

aLmena  niL  tcwit,    with  it  she  pushed  herself.     135-11. 
a  du  wa  nun  du  witc  tcwil  HL  te,    she     will      rub      herself 

312-3. 

a  du  wun  din  tcwin  ne,    yourself  bathe.    353-7. 
a  du  wun  do  tcwit  te,    bathe  yourself.    322-11. 
a  du  wun  du  win  tcwit,    he  rubbed  himself.    319-9. 
ii,  kai  niL  tcwit,    he  pressed  down  on  it.    143-2. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          279 

on  tcwit,    take  it.    191-13. 

yit  ditc  tcwit,    to  shoot.    136-9. 

me  na  nil,  tcwit,   he  pushed  it  back.    163-1. 

me  nir.  tcwit,    he  pushed  it.    106-2. 

mexd  nir.  tcwit,    something  pushed  him.    109-13. 

mil.  tcwit,    push  it.     105-18. 

nade  tcwit  te,    I  will  leave  it.    277-1. 

uadu  win  tcwit,    he  let  go.    10(i-17.  272-18. 

na  du  win  tcAvit,    it  was  shot.    246-1 . 

niL  kai  niL  tcwit,    toward  the  ground  he  pressed.     210-17. 

nu  wa  me  neL  tcwit  te,    I  will  loan  you.    356-6. 

ht0u  wa  meL  tcwit  te,    lend  me.    296-11. 

htru  wa  mil.  tcwit,    loan  me.    326-7. 

xo  wa  me  nei,  tcwit  te,    I  would  loan  him.    356-17. 

xon  tcwit,    it  caught  him.     34(5-10. 

do  ma  a  din  IL  tcwit,    she  did  not  move.    341-1. 

do  kiL  tcwit,    one  never  pushes  it.    106-12. 

te  se  tcwit  te,    I  am  going  to  measure  it.    116-12. 

to  on  uu  win  tcwit  ne  en,    water  she  was  to  bring.    111-3. 

to  on  tcwin  ne  en,   water  going  after.    111-2. 

to  on  tcwit,    water  to  brin ^'.    110-16. 

tcit  du  win  tcwit  te,    he  will  shoot.    151-16. 

tcit  te  te  tcwit,    he  completed  the  measure.    226-4. 

tcit  te  tcwit,    he  measured  it.    116-13. 

tcon  tcwit,    she  took  it.    181-14. 

keniL tcwit,    he  lifted  it  up.    163-1. 

kiL  tcwit,    push  it.    162-14. 

kyu  wa  is  tcwit,    he  broke  off.    317-6. 

kyiijf  tcwit,    let  me  push  it.    106-11. 

-tcwo  ig,    to  sweep. 

nayai  xoi  iLtcwoi<r,    they  brushed  him  together.    196-3. 
na  xo  teL  tcwo  ig,    he  swept.    210-12. 

-tcwok,  exact  form  and  meaning  unknown. 

kyu  wittcwokkei,    they  are  strung  on  a  line.     165-8. 

-tcwuir,   to  smell  of. 

yai  xostcwutr,    they  smelled  of  him.     165-3. 


280  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

-tcwu,  tcwe ;  to  cry,  to  weep. 

A)  The  past  definite,  customary,  and  impotential  have  the 
form  -tcwu. 

ya  win  tcwu,    they  cried.     169-12. 
yateittcwu,    they  cried  along.     179-12. 
win  tcwu,    you  have  cried.    337-14. 
do  wit  tcwu  we  he,    don't  cry.    169-13. 
tee  itc  tcwu,    he  always  cried.    336-4. 
tcit  te  it  tcwu,    he  always  cried.    186-8. 
tcu  win  tcwu,    he  cried.    150-7,336-8. 
kya  teL  tcwu,    it  cried.    342-10. 
kya  teL  tcwu  we  tsu,    it  cry  he  heard.     204-9. 

B)  The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  and  imperative  have 
the  form  -tcwe. 

tcit  tcwe  flx,    he  cried.    150-7. 

kya  teL  tcwe,    (she  heard)  it  cry.    135-9. 

kya  tu  wiltcwel,    crying  along-.     135-10. 

-git,  to  be  afraid  of,  to  be  frightened  at. 

ye  nes  git,    it  frightened   (they  were  afraid  of  it).  215-4. 

ye  nes  git  te,    it  will  be  afraid.    236-2. 

yenuwilgillil,    it  kept  getting  afraid  of.    235-4. 

yinnelgit,    he  was  afraid.    114-16. 

me  nes  git  te,    it  will  be  afraid.    296-5. 

mi  nes  git.    it  was  afraid.    295-4. 

mi  nes  git  teL,    it  will  be  afraid.    295-7. 

ne  iiiM?  git  tse,    I  feel  afraid.    176-5. 

do  nil  git  he  ne,    don 't  be  afraid.    170-15. 

xoi  nes  git,    he  was  afraid.    113-11. 

tcin  nel  git,    she  was  afraid  of.    192-2. 

-git.  to  travel  in  company,  as  a  flock  of  birds,  or  a  company 
of  warriors. 

na  in  dik  git,  they  came  back.  299-9. 
na  ne  it  git,  they  came  back.  299-12. 
tee  in  de  git,  they  ran  down.  153-16. 

-kai,  -ka ;  to  get  up  from  a  reclining  or  sitting  position. 
A)   The  customary  and  impotential -have  the  form  -kai. 
in  na  iuw  duk  kai,    I  always  get  up.    241-1. 


VOL.  31    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  281 

B)    The  past  and  present  definite,  present  indefinite  and  im 
perative  hare  the  form  -ka. 

in  na  is  duk  ka,   she  trot  up.     110-14. 
in  nas  duk  ka  ei,    it  i?ot  up.    114-16. 
in  nasduk  ka  hit,    when  he  got  up,     115-8. 
do  he  iu  na  na  is  duk  ka,    ho  did  not  fret  up.     112-15. 
Compare,   min  na  na  kit  del  kai,    he  was  sitting  with  one 
lep  each  side.     163-7. 

-kan,  -kiifi;  to  put  on  edire,  to  lean  up. 

A)  The  past  definite,  customary,  and  impotent ial  have  the 
form  -kan. 

anaditdu  wiLkan,    he  jumped  out  one  side.    108-15. 
Compare,  duk  kan,  a  ridge,  and  wil  ka  nei,    a  fire  is  burn- 
in  sr.    151-4. 

B)  The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  and  imperative  have 
the  form  -kufi. 

wii/r  kun  lii.te,    I  will  lean  up.     272-9. 

duwinkunte,    (the  earth)  will  lean  up  on  edge.    343-13. 

-kas.  to  throw. 

ya  wii<  kas,    he  threw  up.    96-3. 

ye  tee  IL  kas,    he  threw.    288-7. 

wes  kas,1    it  lay.    96-4. 

no  nil.  kas,    he  threw.     185-8. 

ht£oiLkas,    throw  me.    153-10. 

xot  da  ii,  kas,    he  threw  down.    138-8. 

dedeii.kas,    he  threw  into  the  fire.     238-13. 

doriasil  kas,1    nothing  left.    192-16. 

-kait,  -kai:  to  cause  to  project,  to  cause  to  move  forward  in  a 
straight  line,  to  push,  to  pole  or  paddle  a  canoe,  to  shoot. 

A)    The  past  definite,  customary,  and  impotcntial  have  the 
form  -kait. 

ya  nil.  kait  dei,    they  got  there  (by  water).    159-15. 
yateLkait,    they  went  on.     159-14. 
ve  wit  kait,    he  landed.     140-1. 


'These  two  verbs  are  passive  in  form.     That  which  lies,  is  "that  which 
has  been  thrown  or  dropped. " 

AM.  ARCH.  ETH.  3, 19. 


282  University  of  California  Publications.  [An.  ARCH.  ETH. 

ye  na  wiL  kait,   she  landed.    135-12. 

ye  tcit  teL  kait,    one  after  the  other  he  stuck   (his  head) 

in.    322-2. 

Lin  duk  kait  de,   they  slid  together.    295-2. 
no  nil;  kait,   he  put  it.    108-19. 
do  wun  no  iL  kait,    he  did  not  shoot.    144-13. 
tawiLkait,   he  started  across.    315-1. 
te  duk  kait  dei,   they  were  sliding  together.    294-16. 
tee  na  niL  kait,    he  poked  out.    174-9. 
tee niL kait,    he  put  out  (his  head).    153-9. 
tcin  duk  kait  dei,    they  came  down  (by  water).    158-16. 
tcit  teL  kait,    he  started  in  a  boat.    104-6. 

B)  The  present,  definite  and  indefinite,  and  imperative  have 
the  form  -kai. 

yewitkaite,    a  boat  will  come.    209-3. 

wun  noL  kai,    shoot.     144-14. 

wun  no  neL  kai  te,    I  will  shoot.    144-16. 

-kait,  -kai ;  to  starve,  to  fall  here  and  there  from  weakness, 
note  duk  kait,    people  began  to  starve.     191-11. 
no  te  duk  kai  teL,   they  were  about  to  starve.     191-18. 

-kel ;  to  hold  in  a  horizontal  position, 
daeiuwkel,    I  held  under.    337-14. 

-ket;  to  creak  (probably  onomatopoetic). 
kyuwinket,    it  creaked.     114-17.    140-3. 

-kil,  -kiL ;  to  split,  to  make  an  opening  in  a  wall  or  bank, 
ya  na  is  kil,    he  split  it.    142-3. 
min  no  kin.  kil,    he  opened  it.    113-5. 
non  dik  kil  lei,    that  far  he  split  it.    210-2. 
dohwiLdjenkil,    with  me  it  won't  split.     108-9. 
djewiLkil,    he  tore  away.    176-9. 
tcu  wiL  kil,    he  split  with  his  hands.    210-1. 
kit  din  kil  ei,    it  broke  out.    102-2. 
kit  du  win  kil,    the  bank  slid  out.    252-4. 

-kis,  to  put  one 's  hand  on,  to  stab,  to  spear. 

a  di  ye  no  na  kin  niL  kis,    under  himself  he  put  his  hand. 
221-4. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          283 

xe  e  na  ii.  kis,   she  pushed  it  away.    1 85-3. 
dakiLkis,    he  put  his  hand.     140-3. 
na  nil.  kis,    he  cut  him.    164-1. 

kyoL  kis  xo  sin  xf>  Ian.    spearing  salmon  had  been  he  saw. 
140-11. 

-kit.  to  catch  with  the  hands,  to  take  away. 
adeiLkit,    he  took  with  himself.    270-7. 
adexoLkit,    she  caught  against  herself.     223-14. 
adiLkit,   take  it  with  you.    356-16. 
adiiirkit,    to  myself  I  held.    353-6. 
yaii.kimmin,    to  catch.    101-17. 
yaii.kitte,   they  were  going:  to  catch  it.    102-2. 
nail. kit dei,    he  caught  it.     152-6. 
xoLtciLkit,    with  him  he  caught  it.     107-10. 
doheyaii.kit,    they  did  not  catch.    102-3. 
tcexoLkit,    he  caught  him.    143-9. 
tcii.kit,    he  took  hold.    106-16. 
tcoxdLkit,    he  caught  him.    151-2. 
tcu  hirii,  kin  ne  en,    he  nearly  caught  me.    176-14. 

-kit,  to  hang,  to  spread,  to  settle  (said  of  fog  or  smoke), 
yei  WIL kit  dei,    it  rose  up  (clouds).    104-13. 
yeyu  wiLkitdete,    (smoke)  will  go  there.     301-9. 
noi  IL  kit,    it  spread  out.    321-7. 
noi wiL killiL te,    it  will  be  foggy.    230-6. 
no  nai  nil.  kit,    it  settled.    96-3. 
noi  nil,  kit,    smoke  hangs.    337-11. 
noi  nil,  kit  ne  wan,    like  fog  it  appeared.     210-10. 
XOL  yai  WIL  kit  dei,   the  fog  took  her  away.    238-16. 
da  nai  wiL  kil  lii.  te,    fog  will  stay.    273-2. 

-kit,  to  feed,  to  give  food  to  any  one. 
makiLkit,    she  fed  it.    192-1. 
ma  kyinc  kit.    I  better  feed  them.     192-1. 
xwa  IL  kit.    she  gave  him  to  eat.     110-14. 
xwayaiLkit,    they  gave  him.    110-5. 
xwayakiLkit,    she  fed  them.    192-11. 

-kutc,    to  make  the  stroke  or  throw  in  playing  shinny, 
ya  win  kutc,    he  threw.     143-15. 


284  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

tee  nin  kutc,    he  threw  out.    144-1. 

tee  nifi  kutc  ne  en,    the  throw  used  to  be.    143-8. 

kit  tea  kutc,    they  began  to  play.    142-16. 

kit  te  sin  kutc  teL,    you  will  play  shinny.     142-12. 

kit  tuk  kutc  ei,    shinny  will  be  played.     210-14. 

-kya,  to  wear  a  dress.  This  root  is  the  monosyllabic  noun 
kya,  "dress." 

me  na  IL  kya.    she  wore  for  dress.     332-10. 

-kya,  to  perceive  by  any  of  the  senses, 
unkya,    he  saw.    96-11,  98-14. 
do  un  kya,    they  did  not  see.    267-7. 

-kyas,  to  break,  to  cause  to  break. 

sik  kyas  sei,    it  broke.    210-17,  211-1,  144-15. 
tcis  k(y)assei,    he  broke  it.     143-3. 

-kyos,  to  handle  or  to  move  anything  that  is  flat  and  flexible, 
as  a  skin  or  piece  of  cloth.  This  is  one  of  the  roots  that  shows 
the  character  of  the  object. 

ya  win  kyos,    he  picked  up.    293-6. 

no  na  iL  kyos.    she  put  away.    333-7. 

na  na  W!L  kyos,    he  took  it  down.    204-4. 

no  nil.  kyos,    he  put  it.    208-10. 

siLkyos,    it  lies.    207-6. 

datcitduwiLkyos,    he  has  taken  away.    207-11. 

tcit  teL  kyos,   he  took  it  along.     204-6. 

teu  wiL  kyos  sil,    he  taking  it  along.    208-9. 

-kyot,  -kyo;  to  flee,  to  run  away.     This  root  is  used  only  in 
the  singular.    For  the  plural  -deL,  -dil,  -diL,  are  employed, 
tsin  teL  kyot,    he  ran  away. 

-qal,  to  walk  (confined  to  the  third  person  singular). 

de  duk  qal,    this  one  walking  along  (the  sun) .  340-1,  343-9. 
tcuk  qal,    walking.     96-10. 
tcuk  qal  Qx,    he  walked.    319-6. 
tcuk  qal  le,   walking  along.    164-8. 
tcuk  qal  lit,    as  he  walked  along.    110-2. 

-qdl,  to  crawl,  to  creep. 

nas  qol,    it  crawled  around.    294-1. 

xoi  na  se  il  de  qol,    on  her  it  kept  crawling.     185-2 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          285 

xonnatnai.  qdl,    around  her  it  was  creeping.    185-2. 

tee  il  qdl  e  x5  Ian,    it  had  crawled  out.    185-11. 

tcin  nil  qdl  ei.    he  had  crawled.    347-9. 

tcitteilqdl  lexdlan.    it  had  crawled  along  he  saw.  185-12. 

tcitteLqdl,    he  crawled.    347-8. 

-qot,   to  push  a  pointed  instrument  into  a  yielding  mass,  to 
stick,  to  poke. 

ya  a  qot.    they  always  stuck  them.     180-14. 
yaxdsqdt.    they  stuck  them.     181-2. 
yaxdqdt,    they  stick  them.     180-12. 
na  ya  xds  duk  (jot  de.    if  we  stuck  them.     180-15. 
nakisqdt,    he  pushed  a  stick.     145-12. 
nakisqotte,    he  is  going  to  poke.    192-9. 
nokeiutrqot,    I  always  set  up.    247-4. 

-qot,  to  dodge,  to  tumble,  to  flounder  about  helplessly. 

yaitqdt,    it  always  dodged.     28(5-11. 

ya  wit  qot,    he  jumped  up.    329-13. 

ya  na  wit  qot,    he  jumped.     329-15. 

vat  qot,    it  dodged.    28(5-10. 

ye  wit  qot,    it  fell.     13(5-3. 

na  wit  qot.    he  tumbled.    118-17. 

nasdukqdt,    it  tumbled  about.     13(5-4. 

nadesdeqdt.    it  tumbled  around.    222-9. 

natedeqdt,    it  tumbled.     114-15. 

no  na  in  duk  qot.    he  reached  by  jumping.     329-18. 

ndn  de  (jot  ei,    it  stopped.     287-2. 

xa  wit  qot,    he  jumped.     329-13. 

da  wit  qot  tsu,    it  tumbling  she  heard.     136-3. 

tewitqdtte,    in    the    water    it    seemed    about    to    tumble. 
286-13. 

tedeqdt,    it  tumbled.     280-12. 

tcin  duk  qot  ei,    it  tumbled.     135-12. 

-qdtc,  -qdir;  to  throw  as  a  spear  is  thrown,  or  to  fall  headlong. 
A)    The  past  and  present  definite,  and  perhaps  the  present 
indefinite  and  imperative,  have  the  form  -qdtc. 

adiLyakiLqdtc,    he  threw  himself  with  it.    202-3. 

a  dii.  ya  kiL  qdtc  hit.    when     he    threw     himself    with     it. 
202-7. 


286  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

te  WGL  qotc  te,  I  will  throw  in.    112-4. 
te  kiL  qotc,    he  threw  it  in.    112-6. 

B)  The  customary  and  impotential,  and  possibly  the  present 
indefinite  and  imperative,  have  the  form  -qow. 

a  diL  no  ke  IL  qow,   to    he    used    to    throw    with    himself. 
202-4. 

-qotc,  to  lope  or  run  like  a  wolf. 

nun  duk  qotc  tsu,    he  heard  him  lope  back.     175-9. 
xe  e  win  qotc  ei  tsu,    he  heard  him  lope  away.     175-8. 
ke  sin  qotc  ei,    you  climbed  the  tree.    175-1. 

VARIATIONS  OF  BOOTS  IN  FORM  AND  LENGTH. 

The  greater  number  of  the  verbal  roots  undergo  a  change  of 
form  or  length,  for  the  most  part  connected  with  the  changes  of 
mode  or  tense.  In  a  few  cases  there  is  also  a  change  within  the 
mode  or  tense  for  the  persons.  For  number,  the  change  when 
present,  is  not  an  alteration  of  the  root,  which  is  now  to  be 
considered,  due  to  phonetic  causes  such  as  a  change  in  the  place 
or  force  of  the  stress  or  pitch,  or  to  morphological  causes  such 
as  worn  down  suffixes  resulting  in  inflection,  but  is  the  substitu 
tion  in  the  dual  and  plural  of  a  root  altogether  different. 

Sometimes  the  changes  in  the  root  mark  the  definite  tenses 
off  from  the  indefinite,  in  other  cases  the  customary  and  im 
potential  are  different  in  the  form  of  the  root  from  the  present 
indefinite  and  imperative,  and  in  a  few  cases,  the  impotential 
alone  has  a  form  longer  or  different  from  that  found  elsewhere  in 
the  verb.  The  indefinite  present  and  imperative  are  the  weakest 
of  all  in  their  roots.  Of  the  definite  tenses,  the  past  is  usually 
longer  than  the  present  and  is  characterized  by  the  stronger 
vowels,  a  instead  of  u  and  e  instead  of  i.  Diphthongization 
often  takes  place,  ai  and  au  appearing  for  a.  Roots  ending  in 
t  usually  have  the  t  in  the  past  and  do  not  have  it  in  the  present. 
A  number  of  roots,  most  of  them  containing  the  vowel  i,  do  not 
change  in  form  and  many  of  them  do  not  change  in  length. 

Having  Four  Forms. 

-wen  (-en),  past  definite;  -win,  pres.  def . ;  -wuw,  pres.  indef., 
cust.,  impot. ;  -we,  3  imp. :  to  carry  on  the  back. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          2H7 

-wen  (-en),  past  def . :  -win  (-in),  pros,  def . ;  -wutr,  pres. 
indef.,  cust.,  impot.,  2  imp. ;  -we,  3  imp. :  to  move  fire,  to  wave 
fire. 

-ten,  past  def.;  -tin,  pres.  def.;  -tuir,  pres.  indef.,  cust, 
impot.,  2  imp. ;  -te,  1  and  3  imp. :  to  lie  down. 

-len,  past  def. ;  -lifi,  pres.  def. ;  -lu,  cust.,  impot. :  -le,  pres. 
indef.,  imp. :  to  become,  to  be,  to  be  transformed. 

-lau,  past;  -la,  pres.  def.,  sometimes  pres.  indef.  and  imp.; 
-lu,  cust.,  impot. ;  -le, l  sometimes  pres.  indef.  and  imp. :  to  do 
something,  to  arrange  according  to  a  plan  or  purpose. 

Having  Three  Forma. 

A)  Type,  -an,  -uii,  -au»r. 

-an,  past  def. ;  -iiii,  pres.  def. ;  -auir,  pres.  indef.,  cust.,  impot., 
imp. :  to  transport  round  objects. 

-an,  past  def. ;  -un,  pres.  def. ;  -autr,  pres.  indef.,  cust.,  impot., 
imp. :  to  run,  to  jump  (plural  subject  only). 

-yan,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -yufi,  pres.  def.  and  indef.,  and 
imp. ;  -yauir,  a  few  uncertain  forms :  to  eat. 

-xan,  past  def. ;  -xufi,  pres.  def. ;  -xauir,  pres.  indef.,  cust., 
impot.,  imp. :  to  move  in  a  basket  or  other  vessel  any  liquid  or 
smally  divided  substance,  to  catch  with  a  net,  to  dip  up. 

-tan,  past  def. :  -tun,  pres.  def. ;  -tuir,  pres.  indef.,  cust., 
impot.,  imp. :  to  handle  or  move  a  long  object. 

-tan,  past  def. :  -tun.  pres.  def. :  -tuir,  pres.  indef.,  cust., 
impot.,  imp. :  to  split. 

B)  Type,  -en,  in,  -uir. 

-ten,  past  def.:  -tin,  pres.  def.;  -tuir,  pres.  indef.,  cust., 
impot.,  imp. :  to  move  or  to  carry  in  any  way  a  person,  animal 
or  animal  product. 

1  The  changes  in  this  verb  do  not  seem  to  be  regular.  It  is  possible  that 
two  roots  have  been  brought  together  in  the  same  verb  and  confused,  or 
that  the  vowel  u  of  the  customary  and  impotential  has  produced  a  present 
indefinite  and  imperative  in  e  by  analogy  with  the  usual  u  and  e  pairs. 


288  University  of  California  Publications.   [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

c)  Type,  -en,  -in,  -e. 

-wen,  past  def . ;  -win,  pres.  def. ;  -we,  pres.  indef.,  eust., 
impot.,  imp. :  to  kill. 

-tcwen,  past  def.;  -tcwin,  pres.  def.;  -tcwe.  pres.  indef.,  cnst., 
impot.,  imp. :  to  make,  to  arrange,  to  cause. 

-tcwen,  past  def. ;  -tcwin,  pres.  def. :  -tcwe,  pres.  indef.,  cust., 
impot.,  imp. :  to  grow,  to  become. 

D)  Type,  -ai,  -a,  -aiw  (-u?.p). 

-yai,  past  def. ;  -ya,  pres.  def.,  1  and  3  imp. ;  -yauw;,  pres. 
indef.,  cust.,  impot.,  2  imp. :  to  go,  to  come,  to  travel  about. 

-lai,  past  def. ;  -la,  pres.  def. ;  -luw,  pres.  indef.,  cust.,  impot., 
imp. :  to  move  or  transfer  a  number  of  objects. 

-lai,  past  def. ;  -la,  pres.  def. ;  -luw1,  pres.  indef.,  cust.,  impot., 
imp. :  to  perform  some  act  with  the  hand,  as  to  rub,  to  hand 
something  to  some  one. 

-lai,  past  def. ;  -la,  pres.  def. ;  -Km1,  pres.  indef.,  cust.,  impot., 
imp. :  to  travel  by  canoe,  to  manage  a  canoe. 

-hicai,  impot. ;  hw;a,  pres.,  imp. ;  -Im'auw;,  pres.,  cust. :  to  walk, 
to  go,  to  come. 

E)  Type,  -aL,  -ill,  -UL. 

-waL,  past  def.,  pres.  def. :  -wul,  cust.,  impot. ;  -WUL,  pres. 
indef.,  imp. :  to  strike,  to  thro\v,  to  scatter. 

-taL,  past  def.,  pres.  def. ;  -till,  cust.,  impot. ;  -tuL,  pres. 
indef.,  imp. :  to  step,  to  kick,  to  do  anything  with  the  foot. 

F)  Type,  -eL,  -il,  -ii,. 

-weL,  past  def.,  pres.  def.;  -wil,  cust.,  impot.;  -wiL,  pres. 
indef.,  imp. :  relating  to  the  passing  of  night. 

-meL,  past  def.,  pres.  def. ;  -mil,  cust.,  impot. ;  -raiL,  pres. 
indef.,  imp. :  to  strike,  to  throw,  to  drop. 

-deL,  past  def.,  pres.  def.;  -dil,  cust.,  impot.,  past;  -diL,  pres. 
indef.,  imp. :  to  go,  to  come,  to  travel. 

-deL,  past  def.,  pres.  def. ;  -dil,  cust.,  impot. ;  -diL,  pres.  in 
def.,  imp. :  to  strike. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          289 

-tseL,  past  def.,  pres.  def.:  -tail,  cnat.,  inipot. ;  -tsiL,  pres. 
indef.,  imp- :  to  pound  as  with  a  hammer  or  maul. 

G)    Unclassified. 

-Lou,  past,  def.,  pres.  dot'.;  -Loi,  impot.;  -Lo(-Loir),  oust., 
pros,  indof.,  imp. :  to  mako  baskets,  to  twine. 

-ne,  3rd  per.  of  all  tenses:  -son,  1st  and  2nd  persons  past  def., 
cust.,  impot. ;  -sin,  1st  and  2nd  per.  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef.,  imp. : 
to  think,  to  know. 

-hire,  any  tense  without  suffix :  -luril.  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. 
with  progressive  suffix:  -bjrii.,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef.,  imp. 
with  the  progressive  suffix  :  to  call  by  name,  to  name. 

-xa,  any  tense  without  suffix:  -xal,  past  def.  with  progressive 
suffix  :  -xar.,  pres.  def.,  past  def.  with  progressive  suffix  :  to  dawn. 

-xa,  when  of  conjugation  1 :  -xan,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. 
(when  of  conjugation  3)  ;  -xuii,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef.,  imp. 
(when  of  conjugation  .'3)  :  to  stand  (said  of  tree). 

-dal,  past:  -dai.,  pres.:  -dau/r,  imp.,  cust.,  impot.,  imp.,  to  pass 
along,  to  go,  to  come. 

Having  Two  Fonns. 
A)  Type,  -an,  -nil. 

-yan,  past  def.,  cust,,  impot. ;  -yun,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. ;  to  live,  to  pass  through  life. 

-yan,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. :  -yun,  pres.  indef.,  pres.  def., 
imp. :  to  spy  upon,  to  watch,  to  observe  with  suspicion. 

-wan  (nan),  past  def.,  cust.,  impot.;  -wun  (nun),  pres.  def., 
pres.  indef.,  imp. :  to  sleep. 

-Ian,  past  def.,  oust.,  irnpot. ;  -lun,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp.:  (with  negative  prefix)  to  quit,  to  leave,  to  desist. 

-Ian,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -lun,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  be  born. 

-nan,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -nun,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  drink. 

-nan,  past  def.,  oust,  impot.;  -nun,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. ;  to  turn,  to  move. 


290  University  of  California  Publications.  OM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

-xan,  past  def .,  cust.,  impot. ;  -xun,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. ;  to  be  sweet  or  pleasant  to  the  taste. 

-tan,  3  sing,  of  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -tun,  3  sing,  of  pres. 
def.,  pres.  indef.,  imp. :  to  eat. 

-tan,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot.  ( ?)  ;  -tun,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  exact  meaning  unknown. 

-tan,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -tun,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  relating  in  any  way  to  wax  or  wax-like  substance. 

-tsan,  past,  cust.,  impot. ;  -tsun,  pres.  imp. :  to  find,  to  see. 

-tcwan,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -tcwufi,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef. ; 
imp. :  relating  to  the  eating  of  a  meal  in  company. 

-kan,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -kuii,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  put  on  edge,  to  lean  up. 

B)  Type,  -en,  -in. 

,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -in,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef.,  imp. : 
£. 

.,  past,  cust.,  impot.,  fut.  ( ?)  ;  -in,  pres.,  imp. :  to  do,  to  act, 
to  deport  one's  self. 

-yen,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -yifi,  pres.  def.,  pres  indef.,  imp. : 
to  stand  on  one's  feet. 

-len,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -lin,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef.,  imp. : 
to  flow,  to  run ;  said  of  any  liquid. 

-men,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -mifi,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  fill  up,  to  make  full. 

htcen,  past,  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  hwiii,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  melt. 

-sen,  1st  and  2nd  per.  of  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -sin,  1st  and 
2nd  per.  of  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef.,  imp. :  to  think,  to  know. 

-den,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -din,  pres.  def.,  pres  indef., 
imp. :  to  travel  in  company. 

-den,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -din,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  be  light,  to  blaze. 

-ten,  past,  cust,  impot. ;  tin,  pres.  imp. :  to  do,  to  perform  an 
act. 


-en 
to  look. 

-en 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          291 

-tcwen,  past  def.,  cust.,  inipot. ;  -tcwin,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  smell,  to  stink,  to  defecate. 

-tcwen,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -tcwin,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  want  food  or  sexual  gratification,  to  desire. 

c)  Type,  -ai,  -a. 

-ai,  past,  impot. ;  -a,  pres.,  imp.,  and  sometimes  past  and  cust. : 
to  be  in  position. 

-yai,  impot. ;  -ya,  past  def.,  cust.,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef.,  imp. : 
to  move  about,  to  undertake. 

-wai,  3  inipot. ;  -wa,  3  pres.  indef. :  to  go,  to  go  about. 

-dai,  impot.,  past  def. ;  -da,  past  def.,  cust.,  pres.  def.,  pres. 
indef.,  imp. :  to  sit,  to  stay,  to  remain,  to  fish,  to  wait  for  game. 

-tcwai,  past  def.,  impot.;  -tcwa,  cust.,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  handle  or  move  many  small  pieces,  to  dig,  to  bury,  to 
paw  the  ground. 

-kai,  cust.,  imp. ;  -ka,  past  def.,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef.,  imp. : 
to  get  up  from  a  reclining  or  sitting  position. 

D)  Type,  -au, -a. 

-au,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -a,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef.,  imp. : 
to  sing. 

-yau,  past,  cust.,  impot. ;  -ya,  pres.  imp. :  to  do,  to  follow  a  line 
of  action,  to  be  in  a  condition  or  plight. 

-dau,  past,  cust.,  impot. ;  -da,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef.,  imp. :  to 
melt  away,  to  disappear. 

-fau,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -ta,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef.,  imp. : 
to  hover,  to  settle,  to  fly  around. 

E)  Type,  -u,  -e. 

-1Q,  past  def.,  cust.,  inipot. :  -le,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef.,  imp. : 
to  make  an  attack,  to  form  a  war  party. 

-lu,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -le,  pres  def.,  pres.  indef.,  imp. : 
to  dive,  to  swim  under  water. 


292  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  ETH. 

-LU,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -Le,  pres.  def.,  pres.  iridef.,  imp. : 
to  handle  or  to  do  anything  with  a  semi-liquid,  dough-like  ma 
terial. 

-nu,  past,  cust.,  impot. ;  -ne,  pres.  imp. :  to  do,  to  happen,  to 
behave  in  a  certain  way. 

-xu,  cust.,  impot. ;  -xe,  past  def.,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef .,  imp. : 
to  track,  to  finish,  to  overtake. 

-dje  u,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -dje,  pres.  imp. :  to  fly  in  a 
flock,  to  beg. 

-tu,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -te,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef.,  imp. : 
to  sing  in  a  ceremony  or  dance. 

-tsu,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -tse,  pres.  indef.,  imp. :  to  squirm, 
to  writhe,  to  roll,  to  tumble. 

-tcwu,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -tcwe,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  cry,  to  weep. 

F)  Type,  -at,  -a. 

-wat  (-at),  past  def.,  cust.,  impot.;  -wa  (-a),  pres.  def.,  pres. 
indef.,  imp. :  to  shake  itself,  said  of  a  dog. 

-lat,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot.;  -la,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef.,  imp.: 
to  float. 

-Lat,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -La,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef.,  imp. : 
to  run,  to  jump. 

-xait,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot.,  -xai,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  buy. 

-tsat,  cust.,  irnpot. ;  -tsa,  pres.  indef.,  imp. :  to  sit  down. 

-teat,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -tea,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  be  sick,  to  become  ill. 

-kait,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -kai,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  cause  to  project,  to  push,  to  pole  or  paddle  a  canoe,  to 
shoot. 

-kait,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -kai,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  starve. 

-kyot,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -kyo,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  flee,  to  run  away. 


VOL.  3]    (ioddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  LaiKjiiaffe.  2iKJ 

o)  Type,  -1,  -i.. 

-il,  past  def.,  cuat.,  i  in  pot. ;  -ii..  pros,  dot'.,  pros,  indof.,  imp.: 
to  swim,  to  dive  (plural  only). 

-yol,  past  def.,  oust.,  impot. :  -VOL,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  blow  with  the  breath. 

-wal,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot.:  wai.,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef.. 
imp. :  to  shake  a  stick,  to  dance. 

-lal,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot.;  lai.,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef.,  imp.: 
to  dream,  to  sleep. 

-nel,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. :  -neL,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  play. 

-nol,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot.:  -noL,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  blaze. 

-hwal,  past  def.,  cust..  impot.;  lurar.,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  fish  for  with  a  hook,  to  catch  with  a  hook. 

-hiril,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  h/rii.,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  call  by  name,  to  name. 

-xal,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot.;  -xai.,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  dawn. 

-dil,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -diL,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef.,  imp. : 
to  ring,  to  give  a  metallic  response  to  a  blow. 

-tsel,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -tseL,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  be  or  to  become  warm. 

-il,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot.;  -ii.,  pres.  def..  pres.  iudef.,  imp.: 
to  swim,  to  dive  (plural  only). 

-qol,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -qoL,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  crawl,  to  creep. 

ii )  Unclassified. 

-aL,  past  def. ;  -UL,  cust.,  impot.,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef.,  imp. : 
to  slit  open. 

,  past  def.,  cust,.  impot.;  -UL,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef.,  imp.: 
w. 


to  chew 


294  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

-ate,  past  def.,  pres.  def. ;  -auw,  pres.  indef.,  cust.,  imp., 
impot. :  to  move  in  an  undulating  line. 

-mats,  impot. ;  -mas,  past  def.,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef.,  cust., 
imp. :  to  roll,  to  coil. 

-na,  3  imp. ;  -nauw,  3  cust.,  impot.,  pres.  indef. ;  to  go,  or  to 
come. 

-ne,  past  def.,  cust.,  impot. ;  -n,  pres.  def.,  pres.  indef.,  imp. : 
to  speak,  to  say  something,  to  sing,  to  make  a  sound,  to  play  an 
instrument. 

-neuw,  except  1  sing.  pres.  and  imp. ;  -ne,  yeuw,  1  sing,  pres , 
2  imp. :  to  talk,  to  speak. 

-noi  (a  noun),  -no,  past  def.  (?)  :  to  place  on  end,  to  be  in  a 
vertical  position. 

-xen,  past  def.,  pres.  def.  ( ?)  ;  -xuw,  cust.,  impot.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  float. 

-xuts,  past  def.,  pres.  def. ;  -xus,  cust.,  impot.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  pass  through  the  air,  to  fly,  to  fall,  to  throw. 

-tats,  past  def.,  pres.  def. ;  tus,  cust.,  impot.,  pres.  indef.,  imp. : 
to  cut  a  gash,  to  slit  up,  to  cut  open,  to  dress  eels. 

-qotc,  past  def.,  pres.  def. ;  -qow,  cust.,  impot.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  throw  as  a  spear  is  thrown. 

-qotc,  past  def.,  pres.  def. ;  -qow,  cust.,  impot.,  pres.  indef., 
imp. :  to  lope  or  run  like  a  wolf. 

Unvarying  in  form,  but  varying  in  length. 

-eL,  to  have  position  (plural  only). 

-yeuw;,  to  rest. 

-yeuw,  to  rub,  to  knead. 

-yets,  to  tie  together,  to  entangle. 

-yow,  to  flow,  to  scatter. 

-yos,  to  draw  out  of  a  narrow  space,  to  stretch. 

-was,  to  shave  off,  to  whittle. 

-loi,  to  tie,  to  wrap  around. 

-Ids,  to  drag,  to  pull  along. 

-luw?,  to  watch,  to  stand  guard  over. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  JIupa  Language.          295 

-medj  (-mete),  to  boil,  to  cook  by  boiling. 

-dai,  to  bloom,  to  blossom. 

-do,  to  dodge,  to  draw  back. 

-tetc,  to  lie  down  (plural  only). 

-tsai,  to  be  dry,  to  make  dry. 

-tsas,  to  swing  a  stick  about,  to  whip. 

-tse,  to  open  or  shut  a  sliding  door. 

-tcwoig  (-tcwog),  to  sweep. 

-tcwok,  exact  meaning  unknown. 

-kas,  to  throw. 

-kyas,  to  break. 

-kyos,  to  handle  or  to  move  anything  flat  or  flexible. 

Unvarying  in  form  and  length. 

-iu»r,  to  drop. 

-to  shoot  an  arrow. 

-its,  to  wander  about. 

-fit,  to  move  anything  flat  and  flexible. 

-ya,  to  stand  on  one's  feet  (plural  only). 

-ye,  to  dance. 

-yo,  to  like. 

-witc,  to  rock  sidewise. 

-le,  to  feel  with  the  hands. 

-lit,  to  burn. 

-lite,  to  urinate. 

-lik,  to  relate,  to  tell  something. 

-lit,  to  cause  to  burn. 

-me,  to  swim. 

-men,  to  swim. 

-mut,  to  break  out  as  a  spring  of  water,  to  break  open. 

-na,  to  cook  by  placing  above  or  before  a  fire. 

-ne,  to  gather  nuts  from  the  ground. 

-hice,  to  dig. 

-xa,  to  have  position  (said  of  water  or  a  liquid). 

-xut,  to  hang. 

-xut,  to  tear  down. 

-sit,  to  wake. 


296  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

-da,  to  be  poor  in  flesh,  to  become  poor. 

-da,  to  carry,  to  move  (said  of  a  person  or  animal). 

-dik  (-£ik),  to  peck. 

-dik  (-tfik),  to  stand  in  line. 

-do,  to  cut,  to  slash. 

-djin,  to  mind,  to  be  bothered  by  something. 

-te,  to  look  for. 

-te,  to  carry  around. 

-te,  to  remain  in  a  recumbent  position. 

-tits,  to  use  as  a  cane. 

-tik,  exact  meaning  unknown. 

-td,  referring  to  the  movement  or  position  of  water. 

-tot,  to  suck,  to  drink. 

-tu,  to  beg. 

-tuiv,  to  split. 

-tuk,  to  count. 

-te,  to  have  some  particular  form,  appearance,  or  nature;  to 
be,  to  exist. 

-/ik,  to  tie  with  a  string. 

-to,  relating  to  mutual  motions  of  two  objects  by  means  of 
which  one  is  inserted  into  the  other  or  withdrawn  from  it. 

-tse,  to  stay,  to  live  (plural  only) . 

-tsis,  to  be  hanging. 

-tsis,  to  find. 

-tsit,  to  pound  as  in  a  mortar. 

-tsit,  to  know  a  person,  or  some  fact  or  legend. 

-tsit,  to  fall,  to  sink. 

-tsit,  to  soak  acorn  meal. 

-tsit,  to  pull  out  a  knot. 

-tsit,  to  wait,  to  delay  an  act. 

-tee,  to  blow  (said  of  the  wind). 

-tcit,  to  die. 

-teut,  to  strip  off,  to  take  bark  from  a  tree. 

-tcwit,  to  push,  to  pull  off  leaves,  to  shoot,  to  rub  one's  self, 
to  bring  water. 

-git,  to  be  afraid  of,  to  be  frightened. 

-git,  to  travel  in  company. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Ilupa  Language.  297 

-kis,  to  put  one's  hand  on,  to  stab,  to  spear, 
-kit,  to  catch  with  the  hands,  to  take  away, 
-kit,  to  hang,  to  spread,  to  settle  (said  of  fog  or  smoke), 
-kit,  to  feed,  to  give  food  to  any  one. 
-kutc,  to  make  the  stroke  or  throw  in  playing  shinny, 
-kya,  to  wear  a  dress. 

-qot,  to  push  a  pointed  instrument  into  a  yielding  mass,  to 
stick,  to  poke. 

-qot,  to  dodge,  to  tumble,  to  flounder  about  helplessly. 

MKANINO  OF  THE  ROOTS. 

In  regard  to  meaning,  the  roots  fall  into  at  least  three  classes. 
First,  a  few  monosyllabic  nouns,  occupying  the  position  in  the 
verb  which  belongs  to  the  root,  name  the  means  employed  while 
the  nature  of  the  act  is  suggested  by  that  part  of  the  verb  which 
precedes  the  root.  Second,  a  rather  large  number  of  roots,  while 
not  definitely  naming  the  object,  indicate  the  class  to  which  it  be 
longs  as  regards  its  size,  shape,  or  physical  character.  Third, 
most,  if  not  all,  of  the  remaining  roots  indicate  more  or  less  exactly 
the  nature  of  the  act  itself.  It  has  been  impossible  with  no  knowl 
edge  of  the  past  history  of  the  Ilupa  language  and  but  little 
access  to  the  related  languages  to  define  exactly  the  meaning  of 
many  of  the  roots.  Those  which  show  no  evidence  of  belonging  to 
the  two  preceding  classes  are  assumed  for  the  present  to  belong  to 
the  third. 

Nouns  as  roots,  expressing  the  means. 

-lai,  -la,  -lu/r :  to  perform  some  act  with  the  hand,  as  to  rub,  to 
hand  something  to  some  one.  (While  this  root  may  not  be 
morphologically  connected  with  the  word  meaning  hand,  the 
Ilupa  believe  it  to  be  so  connected). 

-Lon,  -Lo,  -Lo?c :  to  make  baskets,  to  twine  in  basket-making. 
(Probably  from  Lo,  "grass."  one  of  the  materials  used  in  bas 
ketry.) 

-mit;  to  turn  over,  to  place  one's  self  belly  up  or  down.  Com 
pare,  xo  mit.  her  belly.  102-15. 

-hiral,  -hjrai. ;  to  fish  for  with  a  hook. 

AM.  ARCH.  ETH.  :j.  20. 


298  University  of  California  Publications.  CAM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

-hw?e,  -h«;il,  -lm<iL;  to  call  by  name,  to  name.  From  xohwe, 
his  name. 

-tits ,  to  use  as  a  cane.    Compare,  tits,  cane.    150-9. 

-to ,  referring  to  the  movement  of  water. 

-tseL,  -tsil,  -tsiL;  to  pound  as  with  a  hammer  or  maul.  (This 
root  is  said  by  the  Hupa  to  be  connected  with  tse,  a  stone,  the 
maul  and  pestles  being  of  stone). 

-kya ,  to  wear  a  dress .    Compare,  kya,  dress.    333-8. 

Roots  which  classify  the  object  affected  according  to  size,  shape,  etc- 

-an,  -un,  -auw ;  to  transport  round  objects. 

-ut ,  to  move  flat,  flexible  objects. 

-wen,  -win,  -wm0,  -we ;  to  move  fire,  to  wave  fire. 

-lai,  -la,  -luw  •  to  move  or  transfer  a  number  of  objects. 

-lei,  to  carry  more  than  one  animal  or  child  in  the  hands. 

-LU,  -Le,  (-Liik)  ;  to  handle  or  to  do  anything  with  semi-liquid 
dough-like  material. 

-xan,  -xuii,  -xauw;  to  move  in  a  basket  or  other  vessel  any 
liquid  or  smally  divided  substance,  to  catch  with  a  net,  to  dip  up. 

-da,  to  carry  or  move  a  person  or  animal. 

-tan,  -tun,  -tuw ;  to  handle  or  move  a  long  object. 

-ten,  -tin,  -tmc ;  to  move  or  carry  in  any  way  a  person,  animal, 
or  animal  product. 

-tan,  relating  in  any  way  to  wax  or  wax-like  substances. 

-tcwai,  -tcwa;  to  handle  or  move  many  small  pieces,  such  as 
the  soil ,  to  dig,  to  bury,  to  paw  the  ground. 

-kyos,  to  handle  or  move  anything  that  is  flat  and  flexible,  as  a 
skin  or  a  piece  of  cloth. 

Roots  indicating  the  nature  of  the  act. 

A)  Position  or  posture. 

-ai,  -a ;  to  have  position. 

-eL,  to  have  position.     (Plural  only). 

-ya,  to  stand  on  one's  feet.     (Plural  only). 

-yen,  -yin ;  to  stand  on  one 's  feet. 

-noi,  -no ;  to  place  on  end,  to  be  in  a  vertical  position. 

-xa,  to  have  position  (said  of  water  or  a  liquid). 

-xa,  -xan,  -xun ;  to  stand  (said  of  a  tree). 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  299 

-xut,  to  hang  (said  of  a  blanket). 

-dai,  -da  ;  to  sit,  to  stay,  to  remain,  to  fish,  to  wait  for  game, 
-dik ,  to  stand  in  line, 
-te ,  to  remain  in  a  recumbent  position, 
-ten,  -tin,  -tutr ;  to  lie  down. 

-tetc,  to  lie  down,  to  remain  in  a  recumbent  position.     (Plural 
only). 

-tse,  to  stay,  to  live.     (Plural  only). 

-tsis,  to  be  hanging. 

-kit,  to  hang,  to  spread,  to  settle  (said  of  fog  or  smoke). 

B)   Motion  or  locomotion. 

1)  Over  the  surface  of  the  ground. 

-an,  -un,  -autr ;  to  run,  to  jump.     (Plural  only ) . 
-its,  to  wander  about, 
-ate,  to  move  in  an  undulating  line, 
-yai,  -ya,  -yauif ;  to  go,  to  come,  to  travel  about, 
-wai,  -wa;  to  go,  to  go  about.     (Third  person  singular  only). 
-Lat,  -La ;  to  run,  to  jump, 
-na,  to  move. 

-na,  -name;  to  go,  to  come.     (Third  person  singular  only), 
-nan,  -nun  ;  to  turn,  to  move. 

-htoai, -hica, -hirauw? ;  to  walk,  to  go,  to  come.     (First  person 
singular  only). 

-dai,  -dai.,  -daujr ;  to  pass  along,  to  go,  to  come. 

-deL,  -dil,  -dii. :  to  go,  to  come,  to  travel. 

-den,  -din ;  to  travel  in  company. 

-do,  to  dodge,  to  draw  back. 

-ton,  -ton  ;  to  jump. 

-tsu,  -tse ;  to  squirm,  to  writhe,  to  roll,  to  tumble. 

-git,  to  travel  in  company,  as  a  company  of  warriors. 

-kai,  -ka ;  to  get  up  from  a  reclining  or  sitting  position. 

-qal,  to  walk.     (Third  person  singular  only). 

-qol,  -qoL ;  to  crawl,  to  creep.     Compare,  qo,  worm. 

-qot,  to  dodge,  to  tumble,  to  flounder  about  helplessly. 

-qotc,  to  lope  or  run  like  a  wolf. 

2)  On  the  surface  of  or  under  water. 

-lai,  -la,  -lute ;  to  travel  by  canoe,  to  manage  a  canoe, 
-lat,  -la ;  to  float. 


300  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

-lu,  -le ;  to  dive,  to  swim  under  water, 
-me,  to  swim,  to  bathe, 
-men,  to  cause  to  swim, 
-xen,  -XUM? ;  to  float. 

3)   Through  the  air. 

-xuts,  -xut ;  to  pass  through  the  air,  to  fly,  to  fall,  to  throw. 

-dje  u,  -dje ;  to  fly  in  a  flock. 

-£au,  to  hover,  to  settle,  to  fly  around. 

-tsit,  to  fall,  to  sink. 

c)  Acts  performed  specifically  by  the  hands. 

-aL,  -UL  ;  to  slit  open. 

-its,  to  shoot  an  arrow. 

-yeuw,  to  rub,  to  knead. 

-yos,  to  draw  out  of  a  narrow  space,  to  stretch. 

-wal,  -waL;  to  shake  a  dance  stick,  to  dance. 

-waL,  -wul,  -WUL  ;  to  strike,  to  throw,  to  scatter. 

-was,  to  shave  off,  to  whittle. 

-lai,  -la,  -lu?£ ;  to  perform  some  act  with  the  hand,  to  rub,  to 
hand  something  to  some  one. 

-le,  to  feel  with  the  hands. 

-los,  to  drag,  to  pull  along. 

-loi,  to  tie,  to  wrap  around. 

-mas,  to  roll,  to  rotate. 

-meL,  -mil,  -miL ;  to  strike,  to  throw,  to  drop. 

-ne,  to  gather  nuts  from  the  ground,  to  pick  up. 

-dits,  to  twist  into  rope  or  twine. 

-do,  to  cut,  to  slash. 

-tats,  -ius ;  to  cut  a  gash,  to  slit  up,  to  cut  open,  to  dress  eels. 

-£ik,  to  tie  with  a  string. 

-tsas,  to  swing  a  stick  about,  to  whip. 

-tse,  to  open  or  shut  a  sliding  door. 

-tseL,  -tsil,  -tsiL ;  to  pound  as  with  a  hammer  or  maul. 

-tsit,  to  pound  as  in  a  mortar. 

-tsit,  to  pull  out  a  knot. 

-tcut,  to  strip  off,  to  take  bark  from  a  tree. 

-tcwit,  to  push,  to  pull  off  or  break  off  leaves  and  twigs,  to 
shoot,  to  rub  one's  self  in  bathing. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Jlupa  Language.          301 

-tcwo  ig,  to  sweep, 
-kas,  to  throw. 

-kait,  -kai ;  to  cause  to  project,  to  push  or  paddle  a  canoe, 
-kan,  -kun ;  to  put  an  edge,  to  lean  up. 
-kil,  to  split,  to  make  mi  opening  in  a  wall  or  bank, 
-kis,  to  put  one's  hand  on,  to  stah,  to  spear, 
-kit.  to  catch  with  the  hands,  to  take  away, 
-kit,  to  feed,  to  give  food  to  any  one. 
-kiite,  to  make  the  stroke  or  throw  in  playing  shinny, 
-qot,  to  push  a  pointed  instrument  into  a  yielding  mass,  to 
stick,  to  poke. 

-qotc,  -qo»r;  to  throw  as  a  spear  is  thrown. 

D)  Acts  performed  specifically  by  the  feet. 
-ye,  to  dance. 

-taL,  -till,  -till.:  to  step,  to  kick,  to  do  anything  with  the  foot. 

E)  Acts  of  the  mind,  senses,  or  vocal  organs. 
-au,  -a ;  to  sing. 

-en,  -in  ;  to  look. 

-yan,  -yiin ;  to  spy  upon,  to  watch,  to  observe  with  suspicion. 

-yo.  to  like,  to  love,  to  be  pleased  with. 

-wauir,  to  talk,  to  make  a  noise.     (Plural  only). 

-lal,  -la i.;  to  dream,  to  sleep. 

-lik,  to  relate,  to  tell  something. 

-ne,  -n ;  to  speak,  to  say  something,  to  sing,  to  make  a  sound. 

-neii/r,  -neyeutr;  to  talk,  to  speak. 

-ne,  -sen,  -sin ;  to  think,  to  know. 

-niiir,  to  hear. 

-xa,  -xiiii ;  to  be  sweet  or  pleasant  to  the  taste. 

-djin,  to  mind,  to  be  bothered  by  something. 

-te,  to  look  for,  to  search  after. 

-tu,  -te:  to  sing  in  a  ceremony  or  dance. 

-tuk,  to  count. 

-ten,  to  address  with  a  term  of  relationship  or  friendship. 

-tsan,  -tsun ;  to  find,  to  see. 

-tsis,  to  find,  to  know. 

-tsit,  to  know  a  person,  or  some  fact  or  legend. 

-tcwen,  -tcwin ;  to  want  food  or  sexual  gratification,  to  desire. 


302  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 


,  to  smell  of. 
-git,  to  be  afraid  of,  to  be  frightened. 
-kya,  to  perceive  by  any  of  the  senses. 

F)  Relating  particularly  to  the  body  and  its  functions, 
-aL,  -UL  ;  to  chew. 

-yan,  -yuri,  -yauw  ;  to  eat. 

-yan,  -yuri;  to  live,  to  pass  through  life. 

-yeuw,  to  rest. 

-yol,  -yoi,  ;  to  blow  with  the  breath. 

-wan  (-nan),  -wun  (-nun)  ;  to  sleep. 

-lal,  -laL  ;  to  dream,  to  sleep. 

-Ian,  -lun;  to  be  born. 

-lite,  to  urinate. 

-nan,  -nun;  to  drink. 

-xuts,  to  bite,  to  chew. 

-sit,  to  awake. 

-da,  to  be  poor  in  flesh,  to  become  poor. 

-tan,  -tun  ;  to  eat.     (Third  person  singular  only  )  . 

-tot,  to  drink. 

-teat,  -tea  ;  to  be  sick,  to  become  ill. 

-tcit,  to  die. 

-tcwen,  -tcwifi  ;  to  defecate. 

-tcwu,  -tcwe  ;  to  cry,  to  weep. 

-kait,  -kai  ;  to  starve. 

G)  Complex  and  general  acts  of  human  agency. 
-en,  -in  ;  to  do,  to  act,  to  deport  one  's  self. 
-yau,  -ya  ;  to  do,  to  follow  a  line  of  action. 
-wen,  -win,  -we  ;  to  kill. 

-wen  (-en),  -win  (-in),  -wuw,  -we;  to  carry  on  the  back. 
-wis,  to  twist,  to  rotate,  to  dodge  by  rotating  the  body. 
-lau,  -la,  -lu,  -le  ;  to  do  something,  to  arrange  according  to  a 
plan  or  purpose. 

-Ian,  -lun  ;  to  quit,  to  leave,  to  desist. 

-lu,  -le  ;  to  make  an  attack,  to  form  a  war  party. 

-Lit,  to  cause  to  burn. 

-men,  -min  ;  to  fill  up,  to  make  full. 

-medj,  to  boil,  to  cook  by  boiling. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          IK).'} 

-na,  to  cook  by  placing  above  or  before  a  fire,  to  steam  by 
placing  above  boiling  water. 

-nan,  -nun ;  to  turn,  to  move. 

-nel,  to  play. 

-nil,  -ne :  to  do.  to  happen,  to  behave  in  a  certain  way. 

-lure,    to  dig. 

-xa, -xaiL;  to  track. 

-xait,  -xai ;  to  buy. 

-xu,  -xe :  to  finish,  to  overtake. 

-xiit,  -xul ;  to  ask,  to  question. 

-tan,  -tun,  -tu/r  •,  to  split. 

-te,  to  carry  around. 

-tu,  to  beg. 

-ten,  -tin  ;  to  do,  to  perform  an  act. 

-ten,  to  marry  (said  of  the  man  only). 

-to,  relating  to  the  mutual  motions  of  two  bodies  by  means  of 
which  one  is  inserted  into  the  other  or  withdrawn  from  it. 

-tsit,  to  soak  or  leach  acorn  meal. 

-tsit,  to  delay  an  act. 

-tcwen,  -tcwin,  -tcwe ;  to  make,  to  arrange,  to  cause. 

-kyas,  to  break,  to  cause  to  break. 

H)   Acts  confined  to  animals. 

-yot,  to  chase,  to  bark  after. 

-wat,  -wa;  to  shake  itself  (said  of  a  dog). 

-dik,  to  peck  (said  of  a  bird). 

-qotc,  to  lope  or  run  like  a  wolf. 

i)   Happening  b\j  the  agency  of  nature  and  the  elements. 

-iuir,  to  drop,  to  fall. 

-yotc,  to  flow,  to  scatter. 

-weL.  -wil,  -wiL;  the  passing  of  the  night. 

-len,  -lin,  -lu,  -le ;  to  become,  to  be  transformed,  to  be. 

-len,  -lin ;  to  flow,  to  run  (said  of  any  liquid). 

-lit,  to  burn. 

-mut,  to  break  out,  as  a  spring  of  water,  to  break  open. 

-noL,  to  blaze. 

-hicen,  -hfrin ;  to  melt. 

-xa,  -xal,  -xaL ;  to  dawn. 


304  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  Era. 

-dai,  to  bloom,  to  blossom, 
-dan,  -da;  to  melt,  to  disappear. 

-dil,  -diL ;  to  ring,  to  give  a  metallic  response  to  a  blow. 
-te,  to  have  some  particular  form  or  appearance,  or  nature;, 
to  be,  to  exist. 

-tsai,  to  be,  or  to  make  dry. 

-tsel,  -tseL;  to  be  or  to  become  warm. 

-tee,  to  blow  (said  of  the  wind). 

-tcwen,  -tcwin,  -tcwe ;  to  grow,  to  become. 

-ket,  to  creak. 

-kit,  to  hang,  to  spread,  to  settle  (said  of  fog  or  smoke). 

-kyas,  to  break. 

SUFFIXES. 

In  addition  to  the  changes  in  form  and  meaning  of  the  verbs 
brought  about  by  means  of  prefixes,  the  inflection  of  the  syllable 
preceding  the  root,  and  the  variations  of  the  root,  many  limita 
tions  and  extensions  of  meaning  are  occasioned  by  various  suf 
fixes.  The  suffixes  which  are  temporal,  modal  and  conjunctional 
in  their  character,  are  employed  with  the  present  indefinite  and 
present  definite  for  the  most  part.  These  particles  are  inflectional 
in  their  nature  since  they  can  be  added  to  any  verb  giving  it  a 
definite  change  of  meaning,  but  do  not  have  independent  exist 
ence. 

TEMPORAL. 

-°x  or  -x.  This  suffix  is  used  with  the  forms  of  the  present 
indefinite  and  indicates  that  the  act  or  condition  was  persistent 
through  a  limited  and  definitely  stated  length  of  time. 

yai  wa  auw?  WIL  flx,    it  increased  in  blowing.    324-6. 

wil  weL  tsis  daux,    until  night  he  stayed.    142-8. 

meluw;Qx,    he  watched  it.     205-2. 

naiLte^x,    she  carried  it.     290-6. 

naiLits°x,    he  ran  around.    185-10. 

na  ya  tes  in  °x,    she  looked.     300-17. 

nawaux,    he  stayed.     166-14. 

nadiLflx,    they  will  live.     255-8. 

ninsindiL°x,    they  danced.     105-9. 

not6Qx,    water  stayed.    324-3. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard.— Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  305 

xa  ai  ya  xoi.  in  °x,    they  did  that  with  him.     211-5. 

xaayaiLinflx,    they  did  that,     105-10. 

siLtun°x,    it  lay.     266-8. 

sit  tetc  ax,    they  lay  there.    322-6. 

ddai  ninsiii°x,    you  don't  think.    337-9. 

do  he  mis  deL  °x.    they  could  not   walk  about.     322-7. 

tiltsitflx,    it  will  always  h«\    325-13. 

tsiin  ma  xossin  °x,    it  was  quiet.    322-4. 

tceindiL°x,    outside  the  door.     1(59-9. 

tcii.  waL  °x,   they  daneed.    238-10. 

tcitdilye°x,   they  danced.    216-7. 

tcittcwe°x,    he  cried.    150-7. 

tcukqal°x,    he  walked.    319-6. 

keuL°x,    she  chewed.1     276-3. 

kin  11  T,  °x,    you  chew.    275-2. 

-win  te.  The  suffixing  of  -win  to  to  the  forms  of  the  present 
indefinite  Drives  meaning  to  the  verb  but  little  different  from 
that  of  the  customary,  indicating  that  the  act  or  condition  is 
continuous  or  at  least  takes  place  whenever  cause  arises.  The 
customary  may  mean  that  the  act  has  been  done  several  times 
without  regard  to  the  regularity  of  the  intervals. 

xa  a  tin  win  te,   she  always  did  that.     136-14. 

do  kin  naL  dun  win  te,    not  yet,  kin  nai,  dun.    332-9. 

tciL  waL  win  te,   they  always  danced.     239-2. 

tcin  nin  ya  win  te,     he  always  came.    231-9. 

tcin  nu  wujr  win  te,    she  always  brought.     157-2. 

kyu  wit  dai  ye  iL  win  te,    it  always  blossoms.     365-4. 

-wes  te.  This  suffix  occurs  but  twice,  being  used  by  the  same 
individual  with  the  meaning  of  -win  te. 

a  fin  wes  te,   it  had  done.    325-10. 

xaaiinweste,   the  same  thing  it  always  did.    325-11. 

-ne  en.  This  suffix  is  applied  to  nouns  and  verbs  alike.  It 
states  that  the  thing,  act,  or  condition  has  ceased  or  is  about  to 
cease  its  existence.  When  used  with  verbs  it  is  usually  appended 
to  the  forms  of  the  present  indefinite  and  means  that  the  act 
or  condition  was  habitual  or  continuous  in  the  past  but  has  now 
ceased. 


306  University  of  California  Publications.  OM-  ARCH-  ETH- 

aiLinneen,     (dogs)  used  to  chase.    322-5. 

an  wil  la  ne  en  uk,    he  used  to  do  way.     106-8. 

auw  tin  ne  en,    I  used  to  do.    341-7. 

a  ya  tin  ne  en,    they  used  to  do  that.    306-1. 

un  te  ne  en,    used  to  be  seen.     235-18. 

ya  win  a  ne  en  din,    he  had  been  sitting  place.    163-5. 

ya  tee  weL  ne  en,    they  were  carrying.    110-10. 

wes  sil  yo  ne  en,    whom  you  used  to  like.     307-16. 

wun  na  wa  ne  en,    going  after  used  to.     157-10. 

rna  a  kiL  en  rie  en,    their  doings.     361-11. 

min  no  ya  kin  tfats  te  ne  en,    they  were  going  to  cut  them 

open.    278-5. 

mux  xun  neuw  hw;e  ne  en,    their  talk  used  to  be.     306-4. 
na  ya  nil  Inw  ne  en,    which  had  been  lost.     144-7. 
na  la  ne  en,   floating  used  to  be.    243-12. 
(xoideai)    nadaaneen,    he   used  to    listen     (his    head 

used  to  stand  up).  340-12. 
na  dil  le  te  ne  en,    was  going  to  happen.     117-5. 
na  diL  ne  en,    that  used  to  live.     204-15. 
no  finw  ne  en,    the  fire  pit  cover.     220-12. 
no  na  xon  niL  tin  ne  en,    he  caught  up  with  him.     176-11. 
xoLxuttesnunteneen,    in  her  was  about  to  move.   342-4. 
xo  tcin  sil  la  ne  en,    on  her  used  to  be.    153-4. 
sil  lane  en,    used  to  be  (on  her).     153-4. 
sil  len  ne  en,    it  came.     241-9. 
sit  tin  ne  en  din,    he  used  to  lie  place.    295-2. 
suw  da  ne  en  din,    I  used  to  live  place.     272-12. 
da  wit  diL  ne  en,     they  used  to  live.     259-4. 
do  nin  sin  diL  te  ne  en,    they  would  not  dance.     366-1. 
tes  tcwin  ne  en  tcin,    where  I  was  brought  up.    117-13. 
til  tcwin  ne  en,    used  to  grow.    233-1. 
to  on  nu  win  tcwit  ne  en,    water  she  was  to  bring.    111-3. 
to  on  tcwin  ne  en,    water  going  after.    111-2. 
tsis  da  ne  en,    he  used  to  stay.     271-5. 
tceweLneen,   they  were  carrying.    110-9. 
tee  nin  ya  te  ne  en,    he  was  going  to  come  out.    162-12. 
tee  nin  kutc  ne  en,    the  throw  used  to  be.    143-8. 
tcin  nin  ya  ne  en,    he  used  to  come.    306-7. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — Morphology  of  flic  Ilupa  Language.  307 

tcit  tes  en  ne  en,    he  used  to  look.     104-8. 

tcit  tun  ne  en,    he  used  to  eat.    346-11. 

tcu  witdii.  neen,    they  used  to  go  about.     102-3. 

-te.  This  suffix  is  the  most  commonly  employed.  It  pre 
dicts  a  future  act  or  condition  either  as  the  result  of  the  impulse 
of  the  agent,  or  the  compelling  force  of  some  person  or  event. 
It  takes  the  place  therefore  of  English  auxiliaries,  will  and 
shall.  It  is  appended  for  the  most  part  to  the  forms  of  the 
definite  present  but  changes  a  preceding  -fi  to  n. 

A)  Suffix  immediately  following  the  root. 

ai  yon  des  ne  te,    she  will  think  about.    104-1. 

ailate,    they  will  catch.     253-10. 

ail,  inte,    they  will  do.     266-13. 

aikiLinte,    when  it  happens.     217-6. 

ai  kyu  wil  lei  HL  te,   they  will  do.     230-8. 

auwinneLte,    it  will  be.     105-12. 

auic  la  te,   what  shall  I  do  with  it.    293-8. 

autr  di  ya  te,    how  am  I  going  to  do  ?     257-14,  275-5. 

a  wil  lei.  te,    he  will  do.     253-12. 

awinneliLte,    it  wrill  be.    311-17. 

a  late,    what  are  you  going  to  do?      102-15. 

a  nautr  la  te,    I  was  intending  to  do.    260-3. 

a  na  h/rii.  tcit  den  te,    of  me  he  will  say.    363-18. 

a  na  tcil  la  te,    he  will  do.    258-4. 

axolate,    they  will  do.    306-12. 

a  da  na  win  a  te,    for  himself  he  will  get.     338-9. 

a  tcil  la  te,    he  will  treat.     255-10. 

akyuwillellir.te,    it  will  do.     236-3. 

in  tana  witya  te,    he  would  turn  back.     187-4. 

is  lun  te,    birth  should  be.     102-17,  103-4. 

un  di  ya  te,    what  will  you  do  ?    266-4. 

ya  wixauwhidLte,    he  will  take  it  up.    295-17. 

ya  te  seL  te,    we  will  go.    145-10. 

yeweyate,    I  will  go.    246-4,314-3. 

ye  win  deL  te,    they  will  go  in.    255-3. 

yenawityate,    she  will  go  in.     311-15. 

ye  na  wo  deL  te,    you  will  travel  in.    361-12. 


308  University  of  California  Publications.  LAM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

yit  du  wes  yo  te,    it  will  like.    311-10. 

yikittaate,    she  will  sing1.     104-2. 

yo  du  wit  xul  HL  te,   they  will  ask  for.    296-3. 

yuwinyunte,   she  will  eat  them.     253-8,  100-14. 

wa  mm  xo  win  ne  hwiL  te,    they  will  talk   about.     272-17. 

wifixate,    (water)  will  stay.    112-9. 

wiinnaidiLxosinxolan,    hunting     had     been     he     saw. 

104-11. 

wun  na  diL  te,    they  will  hunt.    311-14. 
wun  xai  neu«c  te,    he  will  talk  about.    260-12. 
wun  xu  win  ne  ludL  te,   they  will  talk  about, 
me  win  na  htciL  te,    (her  mind)  will  go  against.    325-14. 
me  wit  dil  na  te,    we  shall  steam  it.     241-11. 
me  lute  te,    I  am  going  to  watch.     292-9. 
menailu^te,    I  will  watch.    217-13,  258-10. 
me  name  lute  te,   I  will  watch.     267-17. 
(xoikyun)  minyate,    his  mind  will  come  to.     230-9. 
min  no  kiL  dik  te,   he  was  going  to  pick.     113-3. 
mis  sai  xun  te,    I  will  put  in  its  mouth.    243-16. 
mis  sa  Avin  xun  te,    in  his  mouth  she  will  put.    243-10. 
muwluwte,    I  will  watch  them.     258-15,  218-3. 
muxxun  nauw;  daLte,    having  gratified  myself  I  will  go 

back.     223-13. 

nai  wiL  xaL  te,    night  will  pass.    242-17. 
nai  xe  neutc  te,    few  will  talk.    295-13. 
naisyate,    he  goes.    307-13. 
nai  ke  yun  te,    they  will  grow.    296-4. 
na  wil  lit  te,    it  will  be  burned.     151-5. 
na  wit  dil  HL  te,   we  will  visit.    177-2. 
nal(i)uw?te,     (its  blood)  will  drop.     115-13. 
nai  hjnn  te,    it  will  melt  away.    273-6. 
nanaiyate,    I  am  going  to  live.    218-2. 
na  na  wit  diL  te,    the  people  will  live  again.     236-3. 
na  nan  dil  HL  te,    they  will  live.     343-13. 
nanasinyate,    you  will  be.     353-8. 
na  nas  deL  te,   they  will  live.    228-2. 
nan  a  te,    you  will  have.     357-7. 
na  xo  wii.  tun  te,    it  will  be  wet.    273-6. 


VOL.  3J     Goddard.— Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          ;«)<j 

na  xot  du  wes  in  te,    I  am  going  to  watch  her.     137-3. 

nasaunte,    it  will  lie.     226-9. 

naseLte  (nasedeLte),    we  will  visit.     174-2. 

nasete,  (naseyate),    I  will  go.    137-14. 

nasinyate,    you  will  travel.     35(5-2. 

nadillete.    they  will  become  again.     116-12. 

nas  dil  lin  te,    that  was  to  be.     283-6. 

nadii.te.    they  will  travel.     107-7. 

nadiiwinate,    it  will  stick  up.     204-2. 

nateuiriniLte,    I  will  look  back  from.     230-7. 

na  ten  in  te,    you  will  look.    356-5. 

nates dlyate,    I  will  go  back.     117-14. 

nat  le  HL  te,    it  will  become.    312-4. 

na  kyu  win  a  tsu,    singing  he  heard.     186-12. 

na  kyu  win  yun  te,   you  will  eat.    356-3. 

neiL  in  te,    I  am  going  to  see.     99-3. 

neyate,    I  am  going.     348-15. 

neene sedate,    I  will  hide  from  you.    328-6. 

ne  se  seL  win  te,    I  will  kill  you.    151-2. 

nir.xoilikte,    I  will  tell  you.     351-11. 

niL  xot  yun  te,    it  will  be  easy  for  you  to  get.    357-7. 

niL  xwe  lik  te,    I  will  tell  you.    355-4. 

nil.  te  soya  te,    I  will  go  with  you.     187-4. 

ninyate,    it  will  reach.     151-15. 

nit  dje  kis  da  te,    (I   wish)  your   mind   would   melt  away. 

nik  kyu  win  nun  te,    you  will  go  to  sleep.     252-11. 

259-9. 

no  wun  nun  xun  neil?r  te,    they  will  talk  about  us.  267-18. 
no  na  kin  nin  Cm  te,    one  should  leave.     215-8. 
nonexunte.    I  will  put.    289-2. 
noninxunte,    if  he  puts.     29fi-6. 
no  nun  dlyate,    in  one  place  they  will  stay.     259-17. 
nil  win  ate,    it  will  be. 
nun  dlyate,    it  will  come  back.     307-9. 
Le  nai  yun  dil  la  te,    we  will  keep  a  h're  burning.     169-6. 
Lena  in  dlyate  sillen,    he  got  nearly  around.     220-6. 
Le  na  nil  la  te,   you  will  build  a  h're.     356-4. 
Lena  nil  late,    he  will  build  a  fire.     258-2. 


310  University  of  California  Publications.   [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

Le  na  nin  deL  ei,   they  went  clear  round.     102-1. 

Le  neL  te,    ( ie  ne  diL  te) ,    let  us  meet.    174-3. 

Le  kin  niL  yets  te,    (lice)     to     tie     together     (the     hair). 

151-10. 

Linyate,    they  will  come  together.     295-1. 
hzriL  tcit  den  te,    they  will  talk  to  me.    322-15. 
hjcit  tsin  tse  win  tun,    I  have  been  killed.     119-1. 
xa  a  iL  in  te,    that  will  be  done.     203-8. 
xa  au-ic  di  ya  te,    I  am  going  to  do.    202-8. 
xa  a  wil  leL  te,   he  will  do  that  way.    255-17. 
xa  a  win  ne  HL  te,   that  will  be  done.     229-10. 
xa  a  win  nei,  te,    it  will  be  that  way.     259-18. 
xaakiLinte,    that  way  they  will  do.     211-15. 
xa  a  kyu  wil  leL  te,   he  will  do  that.     211-18. 
xai  iin  te,    I  will  take  one  out.     135-5. 
xa wa auw- hwiL te,    she  will  pick  out  (the  stones).  312-1. 
xa  ne  te  te,    I  am  going  to  look  for  it.    336-10. 
xadiyate,    it  will  do  that.    254-10. 
xo  yu  win  yun  te,    if  she  eats  them.     253-7. 
xo  wil  lik  te,    he  will  tell.    203-14. 
xo  wut  xo  wes  yun  te,    I  will  watch  her.     137-7. 
xon  neL  in  te,    I  can  look  at  him.     138-14. 
XOL  xut  tes  nun  te  ne  en,    in  her  was  about  to  move.   342-4. 
XOL  kut  tes  nun  te,    it  would  move  in  her.     341-2. 
xo  se  SCL  win  te,    I  will  kill  him.    150-11,  163-10. 
xun  ne  yeut£  te,    I  will  talk.     217-11. 
sa  un  te,    it  will  be.     226-10. 
sa  wo  din  te,   you  will  travel.    151-6. 
sanandinte,    they  were  going  away.    116-5. 
SCL  waL  te,    I  am  going  to  shake  a  stick.    238-7. 
seseLwinte,    I  will  kill  it.    162-7. 
sil  Iin  te.    you  are  going  to  be.    343-5. 
sil  Iin  te,    it  is  going  to  be.     287-5. 
sit  tin  te,      (if)  they  lie.    307-11. 
da  na  du  win  un  te,    he  will  put  in  the  fire.    258-2. 
da  ne  se  da  te,    I  will  go  fishing.     256-8. 
da  no  te  deL  te,    everybody  fished.     256-9. 
da  xo  un  a  di  ya  te,   they  will  die.    217-16. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Iltipa  Language.  31  ] 

da  dfl  wes  a  te  ne  wan,   he  could   hardly   hold   pointed  to 

it.    271-10. 

da  kin  yun  te,    to  chew  off.    151-9. 
dewiraminte,    they  will  be  filled.     253-11. 
de  na  dii  wil  la  te,    he  will  put  in  the  fire.     255-15. 
dedu  wil  late,    he  will  put  in  the  fire.    255-15. 
de  ki  dil  lite  te,    (frog)  to  urinate  on  the  fires.     151-10. 
dooilunte,    I  will  quit.     255-5. 
doyoliinte,    they  will  quit.    231-1. 
domitcdjin  te,    it  won't  mind.    315-9. 
donawate,    he  will  not  live.    257-11. 
do  na  xos  dil  le  te,    there  will  be  no  more.     228-4. 
do  ne  hel  weL  te,   you  may  stay.     176-1. 
donin  sin  dii.teneen,    they  would  not  dance.     366-1. 
do  no  niL  tin  te  sil  len,    he  did  not  want  to  leave  it.    293-8. 
do  xwe  xd  wil  yun  te,    he  will  be  crazy.    307-10. 
do  tcit  tes  ya  te   sil  len,     he   did   not   feel   like   going   on. 

138-11. 

do  tcu  win  xun  te,    he  does  not  catch.    256-6. 
do  tcu  xon  ner  in  te  ne  wan,    you     can     hardly     look     at. 
duwesate,     (a  ridge)  will  go  across.     253-1. 
duwillete,    a  company  will  come  to  kill.    332-3. 
tauirdin  nun  te,    I  am  going  to  have  a  drink.     111-13. 
ta  nai  win  nun  te,    he  will  drink.    337-18. 
tanauw  tuh;riLte,    I  will  take  out.    26718. 
tewautte,    in  the  water  I  will  throw.     111-17. 
te  nal  dit  do  te,    it  will  draw  back.    273-5. 
ten  in  te,    you  will  look.    140-7. 
teseyate,    I  am  going  away.     229-9. 
teselate,    I  am  going  to  take  them.    253-15. 
tesoLtinte,   you  will  take.     222-7. 
tesyate,     (dawn)  is  about  to  come.     241-1. 
tes  deL  te,   they  will  come.    252-3. 
te  dl  yun  te,   he  will  live  to  old  age.    227-7. 
tekeitste,    I  will  shoot  in.     112-9. 
tuwiunahwiLte,    it  will  go.     229-13. 

281-3. 
tsislinte,    it  would  become. 


312  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

tsisdate,    he  will  stay.     211-7. 

tee  wes  lin  te,    it  will  flow  out.    254-17. 

tceneyate,    I  will  go  out.    332-8. 

tee  nil  le  te,   they  will  dive  out.     252-9. 

teen  ya  hwriL  te,   you  will  go.     356-8. 

tee  xo  win  ne  hwiL  te,    she  shall  talk.     289-12. 

tcinnesdate,   she  will  sit.     290-14. 

tcis  SCL  win  te,    he  will  kill.     311-16. 

tcit  dil  ye  te,    there  will  be  a  dance.    203-8. 

tcit  du  wil  ye  IL  te,   they  will  dance.     117-9. 

tcit  tan  hwun  te,    he  shall  eat.    107-8. 

tcit  tea  deL  te,    he  was  to  travel  with.     174-9. 

tcowinneLte,    she  will  think  about.     312-3. 

tcon  da  te,    it  will  be  sorry.    353-7. 

tcohiceiLte,   they  will  call.     272-11. 

tco  xon  des  ne  te,    she  will  think  of  him.    325-14. 

tcuwesyote,    he  shall  like.    307-11. 

tcu  win  yun  sil  len  te,    he  eats  it  seems.    233-3. 

tcu  hwo  wiL  xul  lii.  te,    she  will  ask  for.    311-17. 

tcuhifoh^eiLte,    they  will  call.    272-10. 

kei  yun  te,    I  am  going  to  eat.    97-15. 

ML  ne  se  tin  te,    I   will  have  intercourse  with  a  woman. 

104-7. 

ML  dje  xai  wil  la  te,   they  will  fight.    115-4. 
ML  dje  xa  in  nauiv  te,   there  is  going  to  be  a  fight.    333-13. 
kin  ne  so  yun  te,    may  you  grow  to  be  men.     238-13. 
Ms  le  te,    they  will  catch  many.     257-10. 
Ms  sa  win  ya  te,    he    will    go    into    somebody 's    mouth, 
kyu  win  dits  te,    to  make  rope.     151-6,  8. 
kyu  wit  dl  yun  te,    we  shall  eat.     190-5. 

B)  Suffix  preceded  by  a  syllable  containing  the  vowel  e. 

These  words  occur  mostly  in  formulas,  the  reference  being 
to  the  distant  future.  One  Hupa  informant  said  they  were  used 
of  less  certain  future  predictions. 

ye  yu  wiL  kit  de  te,  it  will  go  there.  301-9. 
nai  XOL  tsan  ne  te,  it  will  find  him.  307-13. 
ninyayete,  it  will  come.  307-12. 


VOL.  31    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          313 

xo  wiLtsaiyete,    it  becomes  shallow.    259-16. 
xoi.  den  ne  e  te,    I  will  call  him.     1  .'19-45. 
tsislinnete,    he  will  become.     338-10. 
tcis  d!  van  ne  te.    she  may  live  to  be  old.    325-13. 
tcu  h/rofi  lure  e  te,    they  will  call  me.    1272-12. 

-tei..  The  only  difference  in  meaning  between  this  suffix  and 
the  preceding  seems  to  be  that  -tei.  is  used  of  events  in  the 
nearer  future. 

a  diva  tei..    it  would  do.     234-11. 

me  neL  xe  tei.,    I  am  about  to  finish.    261-3. 

metsa  xosin  tei,  xo  lun,    hard  it  will  be  it  seems.     341-11. 

mines  git  tei.,    it  will  be  afraid.     295-7. 

na  istcwin  tei.,    he  will  make.    321-11. 

notediik  kai  tei.,    they  were  about  to  starve.     191-18. 

xaadiyateL,    that  way  it  will  be.    341-16. 

xo  Ian  a  dl  ya  ter.,    it  would  do.     234-11. 

xo  Kin  nu  luron  tei..    will  it  be  good?    295-9. 

xo  lun  xa  a  tin  tei.,    that  will  do  it.    235-1. 

xo  lun  tei.,    he  will  be  the  one.    209-12. 

xonf'L  in  tei.,    I  can't  look  at  him.     138-12. 

sil  lin  tei.  din,    it  is  going  to  be  place.     104-16. 

duwilleteL,    a  party  is  coming  to  kill.    334-6. 

tcin  niii  ya  tei.  din,    she  was  going  place.    237-5. 

tcu  wifiyfin  tei.  de,    would  eat.    2f>7-17. 

kit  din  hu?e  teL  din,    he  would  dig  out.     100-1. 

kit  tesin  kutc  teL,    you  will  play  shinny.     142-12. 

TEMPORAL  AND  MODAL. 

-ei.  In  myths  and  tales,  the  definite  past  occurs  very  fre 
quently  with  an  ending  -ei  which  regularly  takes  over  the  semi 
vowels  and  often  the  consonants  of  the  preceding  syllable.  The 
younger  Hupa,  at  least,  do  not  seem  to  be  conscious  of  any 
change  in  meaning  that  may  be  made  by  its  addition.  A  com 
parison  of  the  instances  of  its  occurrence  would  indicate  a  mild 
emphasis. — that  the  act.  which  has  several  times  been  ineffectually 
attempted,  has  been  successfully  accomplished  or  that  some 
thing  which  has  been  several  times  done  is  now  done  for  the 
last  time. 

AM.  ARCH.  ETH.  3.  21. 


314  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

a  na  tcil  lau  wei,    he  buried  it.    282-12. 

a  di  yau  wei,    it  is  coming.    104-14. 

yaislenei,    they  became.     110-1. 

yawiLtennei,    she  picked  him  up.     287-3. 

ya  wit  xus  sil  lei,   he  flew  up.    294-15. 

yaltonei,    (his  neck)  jumped  off.    163-18. 

ya  nat  xuts  ei,    he  flew  away.    113-10. 

ya  na  kis  dim  mil  lei,    she  smashed  it.     152-16. 

yan  xuts  ei,    he  flew  up.    271-2. 

ya  xo  wil  lei  lei,   they  took  them  along.     179-9. 

yataaei,    he  commenced  to  sit  up.     136-8. 

yatmillei,    they  fell  back.     165-11. 

yake  wuiohicei,    he  used  to  carry  it  away.    162-4. 

ye  ya  xo  la  yei,   they  took  them.     179-9. 

ye  tcu  wiL  taL  ei,   they  landed.     362-5. 

ye  tcu  wiL  ten  nei,    he  took  him  in.    222-8. 

yin  neL  yan  nei,    it  ate  it  up.    347-18. 

yinne  tcu  wiL  ten  nei,   he  put  him  in  the  ground.    215-3. 

yis  se  teL  wen  nei,    he  commenced  to  kill.    136-10. 

yikismutei,    (a  basket)  broke.    289-15. 

yu  wim  dim  mil  lei,    they  went  through.     211-5. 

wai  e  xus  sei,    he  threw  at  her.    333-1. 

wildallei,    it  coming  along.     174-7. 

wil  diL  ei,    it  shook.    142-6. 

win  yen  nei,    he  was  able  to  stand.    220-11. 

wun  dim  mil  lei,    it  went  through.     144-2. 

Lin  win  ten  nei,    she  called  him.    139-9. 

me  is  La  dei,    he  ran  up.    217-16. 

me  na  is  te  ei,    she  carried  it.    290-8. 

me  na  wiL  na  ei,    he  steamed  them.     342-12. 

me  nil  la  yei,   they  landed.     216-13. 

min  noi  kin  ne  yot  dei,    they  barked.     321-4. 

min  no  kin  ne  yot  dei,    it  barked.    322-13. 

ml  nil  la  yei,    the  waves  came  to  the  shore.     362-4. 

nai  ya  xon  nil  la  yei,    they  took  them.     179-11. 

na  IL  dim  men  nei,    he  made  it  swim  back.     266-2. 

na  IL  dit  ten  nei,   she  took  him  back.    287-6. 

naindiyayei,    he  came  back.    98-6. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard— Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  315 

na  ya  is  dil  len  nei,   they  became.     166-13. 

nayaxonnillaiei,    they  took  them.     179-8. 

uaweslenei,    it  falls.    104-1. 

nawillitdei,    he  burned  up.    120-8. 

nawinyayeidin,    he  had  lived  time.    336-7. 

nanaei,    it  hangs  there.     295-3. 

na  na  im  me  ei,    he  always  bathed.    311-8. 

nanaisyayei,    he  went  back  over.     117-6. 

nanayaxonniLxaei,    they  found  his  tracks.     170-4. 

na  na  wil  La  dei,    he  ran  down.     221-17. 

nanifiyayei,    she  crossed  over.     135-6. 

nan  deL  ei,   they  went  back.    182-5. 

na  xo  win  dje  ei,    his  mind  passed.     340-11. 

nasitsei,    it  ran  around.     294-3. 

nasyayei,    it  commenced  to  walk.     136-9. 

na  dil  le  lei,    it  went  back.    234-2. 

nates diyayei,  he  arrived.     104-3. 

nakisyoirh;rei,    it  flowed  in  a  circle.    100-11. 

no  nil  la  yei,   they  put  them.     300-13. 

xaennaldit  do  wei.    it  drew  back.     105-9. 

xa  in  Lin  net  y5t  dei,   they  chased  each  other.     115-10. 

xaixostennei,    they  took  her  up.    239-1. 

xan  xen  nei,    he  came  up.    210-9. 

xeeduwaLei,    (feathers)      disappear     over     the     hill. 

208-17. 

xowesennei,    one  could  see.     120-5. 
xoLmenundil  latdei,    with   him   it  floated  back.     315-6. 
XOL  Le  nun  du  waL  ei.    with  him  it  shut.     109-5. 
XOL  da  na  du  win  a  ei,    with  him  it  stuck  up.     203-5. 
xot  da  win  ya  yei,    she  went  down.     99-8. 
sillennei,    it  became.     115-1,182-4. 
dayit  de  wiitr  hirei,    he  always  carries  it  off.    162-7. 
da  wil  ton  ei,    he  jumped.    115-9. 
da  na  du  win  a  ei,    it  stood  up.     203-10. 
danadu  wit  ya  yei,    it  went  back.     234-4. 
da  kyu  win  xa  ei,    (something)  stood.   242-3. 
do  6  na  wes  en  ei,    it  could  not  be  seen.     151-19. 
ta  nai  xos  do  wei,    it  cut  him  to  pieces.     108-2,  106-14. 


316  University  of  California  Publications.  [A-M.  ARCH.  ETH. 

ta  na  is  waL  ei,    he  threw  it  out  of  the  water.    217-17. 

tanxennei,    (canoe)  went  away.     222-9. 

te  iL  auir  h«:ei,    in  the  water  crawl.    311-7. 

te  na  wil  lat  dei,    in  the  water  she  floated  back.     117-4. 

teL  ate  ei,    they  went  with  a  pack-train.     200-9. 

tes  lat  dei,    it  floated.     244-15. 

tes  deL  ei,    they  flew  away.    159-12. 

te  ke  I  yauM<  Iwei,   they  go  in.     311-2. 

tuwinyayei,    he  got  lost.     348-17. 

tsisdayei,    he  lives.    159-16. 

tee  in  nauic  wei,    he  used  to  go  out.     136-14. 

tee  min  nin  yot  dei,    he  drove  out  a  deer.     217-16. 

tcin  niii  ya  yei,    he  came.     97-1. 

tcin  nin  uauw  hwei,    she  comes.     101-6. 

teis  se  iL  we  ei,   she  had  killed.    333-5. 

tcit  du  wil  ye  ei,   they  danced.    216-16. 

tcit  du  wiL  waL  ei,    she  knocked  off.     159-11. 

tcit  tes  ya  yei,    she  went.     98-13. 

keisyayei,    she  climbed  up.    137-12. 

ke  it  mil  lei,    they  drop.     180-14. 

kin  nifi  yan  nei,    they  came  to  feed.     180-13. 

kit  te  yan  nei,    they  fed  about.    98-4. 

-il,  -iL.  The  application  of  the  verb  may  be  made  continuous 
over  time  or  space  by  adding  -L,  or  -iL  for  the  present  and  -1,  or  -il 
for  the  past.  The  shorter  forms  are  used  after  vowels  without 
increasing  the  number  of  syllables;  the  longer  forms  add  a  syl 
lable  often  taking  over  the  consonant  which  precedes.  There  are 
several  cases  where  the  ending  seems  to  have  been  twice  added. 
Other  suffixes  are  found  following  these.  This  is  frequently  the 
case  with  -te  the  future  ending.  It  seems  likely  that  many  or 
all  roots  which  have  final  1  are  secondary,  having  been  formed  by 
the  addition  of  this  suffix. 

Present. 

A)  Following  vowels  without  increasing  the  number  of 
syllables. 

au  win  neL  te,    it  will  be.    105-12. 
a  win  neL  te,   it  will  be.    289-11. 


VOL.  3]    Goddnrd. — Morphology  of  the  llupa  Language.  317 

a  htmL  tcit  dfl  win  neL,   they  told  me.    355-11. 

aduwinnei.de,    if  anybody  says.    267-5. 

yaxowii.xaii.,    poinj?  alonp  they  tracked  him.     170-5. 

yadu  winner,    they  said.     361-8. 

nai  wii.  xai.  te,    night  will  pass.    242-17. 

natcii.  tsii..    moving  as  he  sat.    171-6. 

xa  a  wil  lei.  te,    he  will  do  that  way.    255-17. 

xaa  winnei.te.    it  will  be  that  way.     259-18. 

xa  a  kyu  wil  lei.  te,    he  will  do  that.    211-18. 

xowiLtcwei.  te,    who  fixes  the  place.    229-11. 

xoLtcit  du  win  nei.,    he  kept  saying.    141-12. 

da  na  wil  lai,,    it  was  floating  there.     325-3. 

tco  winnei.te,    she  will  think  about.     312-3. 

tcu  wil  lei.te,    he  will  become.     114-4. 

B)  Following  consonants  or  semi-vowels  and  forming  another 
syllable. 

awinnelii.te,    it  will  be.    311-17. 

a  du  waniin  du  witc  tcwil  Hi.  te,    she     will      rub     herself. 

312-3. 

oirtsil  lii.  te,    I  will  know.    272-7. 
ya  wl  xau»r  h?di.te,    he  will  take  it  up.    295-17. 
yodu  witxiil  Hi.  te,    they  will  ask  for.    296-3. 
wa  nun  xf>  win  neh»rii.  te.    they   will   talk   about.     272-17. 
wun  xu  win  ne  hfrii.  te,    they  will  talk  about, 
nawitxusii.,    he  is  falling.     152-5. 
nawitdil  liLte,    we  will  visit.     177-2. 
nanandilliLte,    they  will  live.     343-13. 
naue  wit  dil  iiiii.  te,    we  will  look  at.     216-18. 
no  win  na  h/riL  te,    he  will  <;o.     230-1. 
xa  a  win  ne  liLte,    that  will  be  done.     229-10. 
xa  kyu  witc  tee  lii.te,    from  the  ground  the  wind  will  blow 
dana  kitdu  wittceii.  te,    the  wind  will  blow  gently.  273-1. 
deduau(jr)  hirii.de,    if  they  put  it  in  the  fire.     273-1. 
do  xo  wil  lei  Hi.  te,    it  will  be  no  more.     217-15. 
tai  win  nun  ii.  de,    if  he  drinks  water.     338-7. 
ta  nauir  tu  hirii.  te,    I  will  take  out.    267  18. 
tcexo  win  nehwii.  te,    she  shall  talk.     289-12. 


318  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

tcit  tu  win  na  hi0iL  de,    it  will  pass  here.    272-8. 

ted  hire  iLte,    they  will  call.     272-11. 

tco  xo  wiL  tcwel  liL  te,  who  will  fix  the  dance  place.  211-16. 

tcu  IMCO  wil,  xul  HL  te,    she  will  ask  for.    311-17. 

tcu  hwo  Iwe  iL  te,   they  will  call.    272-10. 

Past. 

A)  Following    vowels    without    increasing    the    number    of 
syllables. 

yakewel,    they  carrying  loads  along-.    110-3. 
yu  wiL  xal,    mornings.    260-6. 
wiutchtcal,    I  am  coming.    110-4,  120-16. 
me  ya  kyu  wiL  tel,    he  sang.    234-1. 
me  kyu  WIL  tel,   the  singing.    235-4. 
min  na  il  dal,    around  she  ran.    153-2. 
nanaduwaal,     (hummocks)  rose  up.     103-13. 
na  kyu  wil  wel,    he  kept  them  shut  up.    97-11. 
no  xo  au«>  hw;il,    they  kept  arriving.     208-1. 
xa  na  ya  wit  tcwal,    they  dug  up  along.     181-7. 
da  tcu  wit  til,    she  was  holding  up.    246-12. 
tcuwaal,    he  carried  along.     257-1. 
tcu  WIL  tel,    he  was  bringing.    329-6. 
tcu  wit  til,    she  was  holding  up.    246-12. 
kya  tu  wil  tcwel,    crying  along.     135-10. 

B)  Following  consonants  or  semi-vowels  and  forming  another 
syllable. 

a  du  win  nel  lil,    he  said.     235-4. 

ye  nu  wil  gil  lil,    it  kept  getting  afraid  of.    235-4. 

yi  kyu  wit  tsos  sil,    they  were  sucking.    325-5. 

naiwitifiil,    she  looked.     243-5. 

na  wit  xus  sil,    he  flew  along  back.    204-7. 

xoi  yal  wil  lil,    they  camped  along.    179-12. 

xoina'yal  willil,    they  camped  along.     181-6. 

XOL  yaL  de  wim  min  il,   they  filled  with  them.     153-17. 

tcit  te  we  in  il,    he  looked  about  as  he  went  along.     317-4. 

tcoL  sil  lil,    he  knew  it.    272-14. 

tcu  wi  yun  il  he,    even  if  he  eat.     233-3. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  JIupa  Language.  ;U9 

tcu  wiLkyossil,   he  taking  it  along.    208-9. 
kyu  win  yufi  il,    you  ate  along.     121-1. 
kyu  wit  tee  il,    it  blew  along.    324-7. 
kyuhiriiii  il,    I  ate  along.     120-16. 

MODAL. 

-min.  This  suffix,  which  is  not  of  frequent  occurence,  in 
dicates  that  the  verb  which  it  follows  expresses  the  purpose  of 
some  act. 

yaiLkimmin,    to  catch.    101-17. 

ya  xo  S!L  we  min,   they  might  kill  him  for.    278-5. 

na  xoj£  lik  min,    to  tell  you.    226-6. 

tee  in  diL  min,    for  them  to  come  out.    102-9. 

-ne.  The  more  frequent  form  of  the  imperative  seems  to 
have  -ne  suffixed  to  the  regular  form  implying-  the  duty  or  moral 
necessity  one  is  under  to  do  the  act.  It  is  said  to  be  used  of 
acts  which  are  to  be  performed  in  the  absence  of  the  one  who 
directs  that  they  be  done. 

ai  niri  sin  ne,    you  must  think.    208-17. 

alene,   you  must  do  it.    100-18. 

a  du  wun  din  tcwin  ne,    yourself  bathe.    353-7. 

il  le  ne,    become.    109-6. 

6  le  ne,    become.     109-18. 

oLtsaine,    dry  them.    101-4. 

ullene,    do  it.     176-7. 

yeintuLne,    you  must  step  in.    209-2. 

ye  6  ditc  dje  ne,    run  in.     299-13. 

Lenakillane.    gather  together  (things).     192-8. 

milloine,    you  must  feather  (arrows).     207-4. 

missunxau«:ne,    its  mouth  put  it  in.    246-14. 

naniLne,    they  must  live.    317-1. 

na  dil  le  ne,    you  may  become.     166-12. 

natindlyane,    go  home.     337-18. 

nonaujrne,    you  must  put  it  down.     210-7. 

no  na  kin  aiur  ne,    you  must  leave.     353-10. 

noil  xamr  ne,    put  it.    296-14. 

nun  dil  le  ne.    you  may  become.     108-3. 


320  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  AKCH.  ETH. 

xa  a  xo  le  ne.    he  should  do  that.    163-2. 

done  lie.    let  it  play.     100-3. 

do  nil  git  he  ne.    don't  be  afraid.    170-15. 

do  nit  dje  tel  tsit  ne.    don't   pet    excited    ;,not   your   heart 

djo  kin  ne.    go  ahead.    176-6. 

tin  xauir  ne.   you  take  it  along.    246-13. 

teeniuyane.    you  must  go  out.     242-1. 

kyo  diL  tsots  ne.    make  a  kissing  noise.    111-7. 

-hwiiri.  To  express  the  intention  of  briugine  about  an  act 
or  state  contrary  to  the  wish  of  one's  self  or  others  -hirun  is 
suffixed  to  the  forms  of  the  definite  or  indefinite  present. 

a  hirii.  teit  den  h»run.    he  must  tell  me.     314-11. 

yu  win  yiin  hirim  te.    he  must  eat.     233-2. 

do  iiiir  teuir  hirun.    I  won't  die.    346-13. 

donahml  westsiiu  hirim.    I    must    not    be    seen    again. 

do  ne  ya  hirim.    I  can't  stay.     348-10. 

do  xoi.  me  tsa  xo  win  sin  hirim.    he   may   have   no   trouble. 

319-14. 

do  xo  di  yiin  hiriin.    there  won 't  be  many.    308-6. 
do  teis  tewiu  hiriin.    he  must  not  do.    116-15. 
tasya  hirim.    one  ousrht  to  go  away.    215-8. 
tcit  tan  hiriin  te.    he  shall  eat.    107-8. 
tcit  teL  tewin  hirun.    he  may  grow.    34S-6. 
teo  xon  des  ne  hirim.    he  shall  know.    319-13. 

-«il  len.  This  suffix  seems  by  its  use  to  imply  that  the  occur 
rence  was  imminent  but  did  not  result. 

ya  wuu  xiits  sil  leu.    he  nearly  tiew.     176-13. 

Le  na  in  di  ya  te  sil  len.    he  got  nearly  around.    220-6. 

da  win  san  sil  len.    he  was  weak.    346-6. 

do  no  nil.  tin  te  sil  len.    he  did  not  want  to  leave  it.    293-8. 

do  tcit  tes  ya  te  sil  len.    he  did  not  feel  like  going  on.  281-3. 

te  wit  qot  te  sil  len  nei.    in  the  water  it    seemed    about    to 

tumble.    286-13. 
tcu  win  viin  sil  len  te.    he  eats  it  seems.    233-3. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Ilupa  Language.  321 

-newan.     The  suffix  -newan  indicates  that,  the  act  is  done, 
but  with  difficulty. 

da  dil  wes  a  te  ne  wan,    he  could  hardly  hold  pointed  to  it. 

271-10. 
dd  tcfi  xdn  neL  in  te  ne  wan,    you     can     hardly     look     at. 

138-11. 

-de.     For  the  expression  of  future  condition  -de  is  employed, 
a  it  ya  de,    if  he  does.    348-7. 
auwinnei.de,    if  it  happens.    117-9. 
axolade,    if  it  happens.     308-1,  5. 
a  den  de,    if  he  sings.     2)56-2. 

adit  tein  no  nil  la  de,    if  she  puts  with  herself.     302-10. 
aduwinnei.de,    if  anybody  says.    267-5. 
ya  win  na  wiL  de,    if  it  raises  up.     117-10. 
yetcu  wiLtin  de,    if  they  will  take  them  in.    302-7. 
ydnaLtsisde,    who  knows.    348-6. 
meu  nahtdi.de,    if  their  time  comes.    229-9. 
na  nan  deL  de.    when  they  come  to  be.    319-3. 
(xoideai)   naduwiiiade,    if  they   listen.     341-12. 
uinyade,    if  they  come.     334-10. 
nit  tcu  win  yiin  de,    if  she  eats  you.    266-7. 
xoi  kyun  tcwin  dan  ya  de,    if  his  stomach  is  spoiled.  348-7. 
xo  WIL  tsai  ye  de,   until  it  becomes  dry.    255-7. 
xiiu  ne  yeuif  de,    if  I  talk.    217-15. 
xwa  wes  le  de,    if  he  gets  enough.    255-16. 
do  a  hirii.  tcitdende,    if  he  does  not  tell  me.     257-12. 
do  na  IL  tsun  de,    they  won 't  find  again.    321-10. 
tai  win  nun  iL  de,    if  he  drinks  water.     338-7. 
tanai  win  nun  de,    if  he  drinks.     337-16. 
tu  winnahiriLde,    if  it  comes.     105-12. 
tee il  Lade,    he  is  running  along.     220-13. 
tcehirissu  WIL  wei.de,   if  he  kills  me.     114-3. 
tcitdende,    if  he  says.    111-7. 
tcit  tes  tun  de,    if  he  takes  along.    317-13. 
tcittuwinnahirii.de,    it  will  pass  here.    272-8. 
tconaLtsitde,    if  he  knows.    343-6. 
tcuwiiiyuntei.de,   he  would  eat.    267-17. 


322  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

-detc.  This  suffix,  which  occurs  but  a  few  times,  seems  to 
indicate  a  less  probable  and  more  general  future  condition. 

a  tcin  te  detc.    he  must  be  then.    363-17. 
wa  a  IL  teL  detc.   they  are  going  to  build.    109-7. 
tcin  nin  win  detc.    if  he  will  bring.    137-5. 
tcis  SCL  win  detc.    if  he  kills.    139-5. 
kit  tes  seox  a  tcin  te  detc,    smartest  he  is.    351-12. 
kit  tis  seox  xoir  a  tcin  te  detc,    smart    he    must    be    then. 
363-17. 

-min  in  ne.  For  the  expression  of  the  result  of  supposed  con 
ditions  contrary  to  fact,  -min  in  ne  is  employed. 

do  da  xo  attn  min  in  ne,    people  would  never  die  it  would 
have  been.     221-13. 

Since  only  the  above  example  of  this  suffix  occurs  in  "Hupa 
Texts, ' '  the  following  were  obtained  from  an  interpreter. 
seL  tcwin  min  in  ne,    I  ought  to  have  made  it. 
dd  x5  liii  tcin  nau?r  min  in  ne,    he  should  not  go. 
tcis  tcwin  min  in  ne.    he  ought  to  have  made  it. 
te  se  ya  min  in  ne,    I  ought  to  have  gone, 
te  se  ya  min  in  ne    dedeen    nanya   tcade. 
I  would  go  but        it  rains   too  hard. 

te  se  ya  min  in  ne    do  nan  yai  ne  en  de, 
I  would  have  gone       if  it  had  not  rained. 

INDICATING  THE  SOURCE  OF  THE  INFORMATION. 

Certain  suffixes  are  used  to  show  by  which  of  the  senses  the 
fact  stated  was  observed,  and  whether  the  fact  was  directly 
observed  or  only  inferred  from  evidences. 

-e.  The  vowel  e,  standing  by  itself  or  preceded  by  the  con 
sonant  or  semi-vowel  of  the  preceding  syllable,  indicates  the  ob 
ject  or  act  is  within  the  view  of  the  speaker. 

ya  kin  wen  ne,    he  had  carried  it  off.    163-4. 

ye  nin  dil  lin  ye,    they  had  washed  ashore.     267-12. 

me  win  ian  ne,    he  stuck  to  it.    202-7. 

na  wa  ye.    he  went.    230-2,  231-9. 

nanatlale,    it  floating.     243-13. 

nas  dil  len  ne,    it  had  gone  back.     234-7. 


VOL.  3]     Goddard. — MorpJioloyy  of  the  Ifupa  Language.          323 

nit  te  sil  lal  le,    (I  wish)  you  would  pro  to  sleep.    203-1. 

noinifiyanne,    that  far  they  ate.     347-17. 

no  xos  le  e,    he  is  lost.     185-8. 

xolunsaanne.    there  was  much.     165-12. 

da  ya  win  a  ye,    someone  fishing    (sitting  on  something). 

119-16. 

da  wil  la  le,    it  was  floating.     244-6. 
da  nat  xiits  tse,    it  lit  on.    204-8. 
do  ya  xd  leu  ne,    it  was  gone.     111-11. 
tcuwillale,    they  were  going  along.    222-1. 
tcuwiiiyaune.    he  has  eaten.    311-11. 
kewelle,    someone  carrying  a  load  along.     105-14,  166-4. 
kyo  h/ral  le,    somebody  hooking.    106-15. 

-tsu.     When  the  act  is  perceived  by  the  sense  of  hearing  or 
feeling,  -tsu  or  -tse  is  suffixed  to  the  verb. 

A)  -tsu. 

an  tsu.    he  heard  it  cry.     281-13. 

a  xoLtcitdentsu.    he  heard  say.     141-8. 

a  den  tsu.    singing  he  heard.     186-12. 

ya  yai  wim  meL  tsu.    he  heard  them  kick  up  their  legs. 

342-14. 

na  xus  din  na  tsu,    someone  moving  she  heard.     191-12 
natindiLtsu.    he  heard  them  coming  home.    329-5. 
na  ka  xas  din  na  tsu,    someone  moving  she  heard.     165-18. 
nillintsu,    he  heard  a  creek.    111-13. 
h«riL  tsu,    he  heard  someone  calling.    360-7. 
xoi  de  il  le  tsu,    they  heard  the  party  war.     332-4. 
dilwauirtsu,    he  heard  croak.    112-12. 
du  wen  nee  tsu,    it  sounded  he  heard.     144-3. 
tcit  dil  wautf  tsu,   talking  they  heard.     170-16. 
tcu  wil  dar.  tsii,    he  heard  him  coming.    176-11. 
kya  teL  tcwu  we  tsu,    it  cry  he  heard.    204-9. 
kyu  win  dil  le  tsu,    they  heard  it  ring.     152-1. 
kyu  win  diL  tsu,    a  jingling  noise.     293-3. 

B)  -tse. 

ullotse.    hot  it  felt.    329-12. 

un  kva  xo  tit  wil  six.  tse.    he  heard  heavy  footsteps.    238-9. 


324  University  of  California  Publications.  EAM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

na  do  weL  din  tse,    I  am  becoming  lonesome  for.     176-2. 

ne  IUM;  git  tse,    I  feel  afraid.    176-5. 

kiLtutctse,    someone  splitting  logs  he  heard.     108-5. 

kis  tseL  tse,    he  heard  pounding.    170-6. 

kyo  du  wiL  tsots  tse,    a  kissing  noise  she  heard.    111-9. 

-xo  Ian.  When  the  fact  stated  is  inferred  from  some  evidence, 
-xo  Ian  is  appended  to  the  verb.  Since  the  act  is  viewed  as  already 
completed  the  verbs  often  have  the  force  of  the  pluperfect.  The 
verb  Lena  nil  lai  simply  states  that  he  built  a  fire.  Either  the 
narrator  saw  him  build  it  or  was  told  by  someone  who  did  see 
it  built.  But  Lena  nil  laxolan,  186-1,  indicates  that  the  father 
following  his  child  found  the  remains  of  a  fire  and  inferred  that 
his  son  had  built  it. 

A)  Suffix  immediately  following  the  root. 
ya  ex  xus  xo  Ian,    they  fell  over.    117-17. 

ye  e  il  ton  xo  Ian,   birds  used  to  jump  in.    117-17. 
wa  kin  nil  lit  x5  Ian,    they   were  burned   through.      119-3. 
wa  kin  nin  SCL  xo  Ian,    it    was    heated    through    he    saw. 
na  na  win  un  xo  Ian,    he  had  taken  down.     176-17. 
nanandeLxolan,    they  had  become.     119-12. 
na  ten  in  xo  Ian,    you  looked  it  was.     238-6. 
nakitdiLxolan,    he  had  been  playing  he  saw.     140-10. 
n5duwintaLxolan,    it  had  made  a  track  he  saw.  185-12. 
Le  nal  ditc  tcwifi  xo  Ian  din,    it  had  grown  together  place. 

281-15. 

Le  na  nil  la  xo  Ian,    a  fire  he  had  built  he  saw.     186-3. 
xa  a  it  ya  xo  Ian,    the  same  he  found  he  was.    346-7. 
xal  tcwifi  xo  Ian,    growing  up  he  saw.    319-8. 
daxoa  diyaxolan,    he  was  dead  they  found  out.  175-11. 
teL  tcwen  xo  Ian,    it  had  grown  he  saw.    97-18. 
tcena  illin  xolan,    it  used  to  run.     117-18. 

329-16. 

tcit  tcit  xo  Ian,    he  died.    347-3. 
kyu  win  nan  xo  Ian,    he  went  to  sleep.    347-1. 

B)  Suffix  preceded  by  a  syllable  containing  the  vowel  e. 
Perhaps  the  acts  in  this  case  cause  surprise. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard.— Morphology  of  the  llupa  Language.  325 

ya  kyu  \\\\  kyan  ne  xo  Ian,    they  found  they  were  pregnant. 

278-3. 

menaiylyaiurexolan,    it  will  be  eaten  down.     356-11. 
na  at  lu  e  xd  Ian,    it  had  gone  back.     234-11. 
na  in  nel  le  x6  Ian,    he  played  he  saw.     186-1. 
na  na  is  ya  e  xo  Ian,   she  could  walk.    276-11. 
te  le  ne  xo  Ian,    it  had  become.    187-5. 
tcisseteL  wen  exolan.    he  had  killed  he  saw.     186-7. 
tcit  te  il  qol  le  xo  Ian.    it  had  crawled  he  saw.    185-12. 
tcit  tes  ya  ye  xo  Ian,    he  was  walking  along  he  saw.  185-13. 
tcu  win  kya  5  we  xo  Ian,    he    had    become    large    he    saw. 

186-6. 

-xo  lun.     This  suffix  is  said  to  differ  from  the  preceding  only 
in  the  fact  that  the  evidence  is  more  certain. 

A)  Suffix  immediately  following  the  root. 

ya  teyiifi  xolun,    the}- had  eaten.     100-17. 
wun  na  isya  xolun.    be  had  fixed.     170-10. 
nanesda  xo  lun.    he  was  sitting.     270-10. 
na  nit  dautr  xd  lun,    it  had  come  back  he.    267-7. 
na  xo  wil  tsit  xo  lun,    it  fell.    306-15. 

out.    272-10. 

na  teL  ditc  tcwin  xd  lun,    it  had  grown.    119-10. 
noi  du  win  taL  xo  lun,    he  had  made  a  track.    292-5. 
xalaxolun,     (grass)  had  grown  up.     121-11. 
dits  tse  no  nil  la  xo  lun,    it  was  pointed.     222-4. 
do iLtsunte xolun,    you  can't  find  it  anywhere.    246-6. 
do  tin  namr  xo  lun,    he  had  not  gone  along.     174-5. 
ta  des  deL  xo  lun.    they  had  come  ashore.     101-2. 
teL  tcwin  xo  lun,    it  had  grown.    306-17. 

B)  Suffix  preceded  by  a  syllable  containing  the  vowel  e. 

ye  win  ya  ye  xo  lun,   he  had  gone  in.    118-5. 

win  a  e  xolun,    it  was  standing.    363-10. 

mil.  na  we  nel  le  xolun.     be      had      been      playing      with. 

292-11. 
na  is  dau  we  a  xo  lun.    it  had  melted  away.    236-1. 


326  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

na  we  nel  le  xo  lufi,    he  had  been  playing.    292-13. 

nas  dil  len  ne  xo  lun,    it  had  gone  back.     235-1. 

Le  mil  ditc  tcwen  ne  xo  Km,    it  had  grown  together.    113-8. 

sil  len  ne  xo  lufi,    it  had  become.     97-4. 

da  yi  kin  yan  e  xo  lun,    (a  mouse)  has  chewed  up.  153-15. 

tas  ya  ye  xo  luii,    they  had  gone.     267-14. 

CONJUNCTIONAL. 

-hit.    The  suffixing  of  -hit  to  a  verb  has  the  effect  of  making 
it  part  of  a  subordinate  temporal  clause. 

ya  win  tun  hit,    when  he  picked  up.    202-6. 

ya  ten  in  hit,    when  they  looked.     104-13. 

ye  na  wit  ya  hit,    when  he  went  in.     118-6. 

yexonunhit,    when  they  ran  in.     169-11. 

ye  tcu  win  ya  hit,    when  she  went  in.     246-5. 

wil  weL  hit,    after  night.     300-17. 

naiuwloihit,    I  tie  them  up.     247-11. 

nawitdalhit,    when  he  came.    223-7. 

na  na  kis  le  hit,    when  he  had  felt.     106-6. 

naneLinhit,    when  she  looked.     111-10,  294-15. 

na  ten  in  hit,    when  he  looked.     96-11. 

no  na  ta  mi  hit,    when  she  turned.     245-10. 

no  nil  lit  hit,    when  he  finished  sweating. 

no  ni  nun  hit,    when  he  finished  (when  he  put  it  down). 

xa  is  xun  hit,    when  she  had  brought  them  up.     99-9. 

xa  na  is  di  ya  hit,    when  he  came  up.     210-12. 

xoii  na  is  din  nufi  hit,    when   he   turned   around.      278-12. 

sa  win  diii  hit,    when  they  went  out.     322-12. 

te  kil  la  hit,    when  he  put  his  hand  in  it.    337-4. 

tceiyinhit,    when  he  stands.    258-1. 

tee  in  sit  hit,    when  she  woke  up.     288-10,  113-8. 

tee  na  in  di  ya  hit,    when  she  went  down.     325-8. 

tee  nin  deL  hit,    when  they  came  out.    175-11. 

tcin  dis  sit  hit,    when  we  wake  up.    190-4. 

tcit  du  wim  mite  hit,   when  she  broke  it  off.     287-4. 

tcit  teii  in  hit,    when  he  looked.     119-16. 

tcu  wit  dil  lit,    as  they  were  going  along.     170-8. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  327 

-mil..  This  suffix  has  nearly  or  quite  the  same  force  as  -hit. 
The  examples  given  are  few  because  it  was  usually  viewed  and 
recorded  as  a  separate  word. 

a  in  nu  miL,    when  the  sun  was  here.    332-4. 

eilwilmii.,    in  a  day.     336-7. 

ye  it  xa  mil.,    at  break  of  day.    350-14. 

yit  da  tcin  e  a  mil.,   east  the  sun  was  then.  364-3. 

yl tsiiieeamh.,    west  the  sun  was.     333-4. 

wil  weL  mil.,    after  night.     238-8. 

win  sel  e  miL,    when  it  was  warm.    342-7. 

min  nol  weL  mil.,    it  was  midnight.     293-2. 

xot  te  dfur  h»re  nim  rail.,    when  it  was  dark.    347-9. 

sil  len  mil.,    nearly  after.    319-2. 

sil  lin  te  mil.,    nearly  was.    293-1. 

-tsit.  This  suffix  which  occurs  but  once  means  that  the  act 
expressed  by  the  verb  to  which  it  is  added  is  to  be  done  before 
some  other  contemplated  act. 

kin  yun  tsit,    eat  first.    332-6. 

ADVERBIAL. 

-he.  This  suffix  emphasizes  a  negative  command  or  condi 
tional  statement.  It  is  comparable  to  English,  "in  the  least," 
or  "a  bit,"  or  French,  "pas,"  in  negative  clauses. 

yik  kyu  win  yan  ue  he,    even  if  he  eats.    267-3. 

mil,  tel  lit  te  he,    even  if  he  sweats  himself.    337-16. 

xoi  de  ai  na  du  win  a  he,    (even  if)  they  listen.    342-13. 

do  a  du  win  ne  he,    don 't  say  that.     175-1. 

do  a  du  wun  tel  wis  he,    don 't  be  frightened.    356-2. 

do  wit  tcwu  we  he,    don't  cry.    169-13. 

do  hicu  wun  nu  wit  lai  he,  don 't  bring  them  to  me.  230-13. 

tcu  wi  yun  il  he,    even  if  he  eat.    233-3. 

-ka,  or  -uk.  These  suffixes  carry  the  force  of  "like,"  "in  the 
manner  of." 

aiLenka,    the  way  they  do  it.    227-2. 
au  wil  la  ne  en  uk,    he  used  to  do  way.    106-8. 
a  <en  ka,    the  way  they  do.    231-5. 
na  se  daiuk,   the  way  I  sat.    290-15. 


328  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  ETH. 

-xo  sin.  Neither  the  context  nor  the  explanation  of  the  inter 
preters  have  satisfactorily  explained  the  meaning  or  nature  of 
this  suffix.  It  seems  to  have  the  meaning  of  "some,"  "many," 
or  "all."  It  is  possible  that  it  is  an  old  auxiliary  verb  which 
has  largely  lost  its  force. 

ai  kit  in  xo  sin,     (bears)  did  that.     223-4. 

wiin  nai  dii>  xo  sin  xo  Ian,    hunting     had     been     he     saw. 

104-11. 

tsim  ma  xo  sin  °x,    it  was  quiet.    322-4. 
kit  taL  tsit  xo  sin,    they  were  soaking  acorns.     210-9. 
kit  tuk  kutc  xo  sin  xo  Ian,    they  had  been  playing  shinny  he 

saw.     140-9. 
kyoL  kis  xo  sin  xo  Ian,    spearing  salmon  they  had  been  he 

saw.     140-11. 

-xo  win  sen,  -xo  win  sin.  These  have  the  appearance  of 
definite  tenses  of  the  preceding. 

yo  xai  xo  win  sen,    they  all  began  to  buy.    200-3. 
na  kyu  we  xo  win  sen,    they  brought  home.     145-4. 
doxoLmetsa  xo  winsinlm-un,    he   may   have   no   trouble. 

319-14. 

do  XOL  me  tsa  xo  win  sin  te.  it  will  be  easy  for  them.  282-1. 
tsim  ma  x5  win  sen,    the  noise  stopped.    185-3. 
tsim  ma  na  xo  win  sen,    the  noise  stopped.    238-14. 
tsu  ma  xo  win  sin,    it  was  quiet.    306-2. 
kyadanexo  win  sen,    they  commenced  to  pick.     138-6. 

ADVERBS. 

PLACE  AND  DIRECTION. 

A)   Showing  no  certain  evidence    of   derivation   from    other 
parts  of  speech  ;  mostly  connected  with  the  cardinal  points. 
iL  man,    both  sides.    104-5. 
yiman,    across  on  the  other  side.    135-11. 
yi  man  yl  de,    across  and  down.    271-12. 
yi  man  yit  de,    across  to  the  north.    116-8. 
yi  man  ne  yi  nuk,    across  to  the  south.    98-8. 
yi  man  ne  yi  de,    across  to  the  north.    117-4. 
yi  man  ne  yit  de,    across  to  the  north.    116-5. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Ilupa  Language.          329 

ylman  ney!  tsin,    across  to  the  west.     116-14. 

yi  man  tcin,    on  the  other  side.    270-9. 

yi  man  tcin  tcin,   on  the  other  shore.    135-12. 

yinatcin,    from  the  south.    98-3. 

yinuk,    south.    112-8. 

yi  nuk  a  din,    farthf  *  south.     112-3. 

yinuk  kaite,    south  alon<?  it  will  he.    223-5. 

yi  nuk  kai  kut  tcin,    above  the  creek.    271-6. 

yi  nuk  ka  yi  man,     above  on  the  other  side.     198-10. 

yi  nuk  ken  tcin.    to  the  south  side.    333-1. 

yin  na  tcin,    from  the  south.    121-2. 

yin  ne.    in  the  ground.     106-3. 

yin  nuk.    south.    120-4. 

yin  nuk  kai  yi  duk,    to  the  southeast.    141-10. 

yin  nuk  kut  tcin,    up-river  on  the  bank.    226-7. 

yi  da  tcin,    from  the  east.    102-13. 

yi  da  tcin,    north  of  it.     119-13. 

yi  dee  kut  tcin  tcin,    north  a  short  way.    272-4. 

yi  dee  din.    farther  north.    363-5. 

yi  de  yi  man  tcin  tcin,    down  river  across.    321-1. 

ylde  tcin  tcin.    on  the  lower  side.    244-12. 

yi  duk,    east.    102-5. 

yi  duk  en  tcin,    above.    272-5. 

yidukkakai,    along  the  Klamath.    317-2. 

yi  duk  ken  tcin,    above.    244-12. 

yit  da  tcin  kai,    up  along.    267-13. 

yitde,    north.    105-1. 

yit  dee,    north.    229-11. 

yit  de  en  tcin.    on  the  north  side.    332-9. 

yit  deyi  man,    down  across.    321-8. 

yltsin,    down.    1.89-11. 

yit  tsin,    down.    104-4. 

yi  tsin  tcin,    along:  up.     174-6. 

me  xun  din,    close  to.    170-16. 

mit  duk,    beside.    245-14. 

mit  iau  tcin  tcin,    on  the  back  side.    102-9. 

nai,    across.    179-7. 

nai.    from  there.    265-10. 

AM.  AKCH.  KTH.  3,  22. 


330  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

na,    back.    97-12. 

naiyinatciii,   back  from  the  south.    116-4. 

nai  yi  nuk,   back  south.    271-13. 

na  yin  na  tcifi,    down  from  the  south.    104-9. 

na  yi  nuk,    south  again.    105-6. 

ne  djox,    in  the  middle.    96-10. 

ne  djit,    the  middle.    241-5. 

nil.  man,    each  side.    247-4. 

nil,  man  ne,    each  side.    306-8. 

niL  ne  djit,    a  little  way  from  each  other.    207-6. 

niL  ne  djox,    near  together.    229-7. 

nis  sa,    long  way.    151-14. 

nis  sate  din,    little  way.    234-5. 

nuk  kai,    along.     106-15. 

xat,    there.    278-8. 

xoi  yi  de,    down  a  little.    347-2. 

xun  diii,    close  by.    170-13. 

din  nun,    facing.    136-6. 

din  nufi  xo  ye  tcifi,    down  the  hillside.    272-3. 

dik  gyun,    here.     101-13. 

djena  tcifi,    up.    166-3. 

kyafi,    is  where.    329-4. 

B)   Seemingly  derived  from  demonstrative  and  interrogative 
elements. 

yeu,    in  the  distance.    164-7. 

yo  xo  miL,    from  some  place.    270-13. 

yot,    there.    215-1. 

nai  yeu  xo  miL,    from  here  and  there  a  long  way.    209-7. 

haiyate,    here  it  will  be.    105-1. 

hai  ya  tcifi,    to  that  place. 

hai  ya  tcin  te,    there  it  will  be.    282-16. 

hai  yox,    there.    305-8. 

hai  yot,    over  there.    226-8. 

hai  yuw-  x5  yi  duk,    up  that  way.    140-7. 

hai  xat,    where.    119-4. 

hai  dai  dit  din,    where.    151-4. 

hai  ta,    those  places.    179-12. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  llupa  Language.          331 

dai  hiro  xo  xotr,    somewhere.    136-14. 

dai  xddifi  xdir.    someplace.    204-1. 

dai  dit  din  van,    where.    244-6. 

dai  dit  din  kl  awr,    where  is  it.    286-5. 

dai  do/r  hirun,  where.    217-8. 

daiddx,    where.    164-17. 

dai  dox  xoik  ke  awr  fin,    what  place.    137-3. 

da  fin  hire  e,    nowhere.    97-1 1 . 

daximhiree,    somewhere.    223-2. 

deaxota,    this  place.    101-5. 

deukiin  fediii,    this  kind  of  a  place.    363-7. 

denorrkut,    to  the  sky.    137-18. 

dendir  kiit  tcin,    toward  the  sky.    137-13. 

den  tcin,    this  shore.    139-16. 

de  xo,    this  way.    348-3. 

de  xd  tse  xiin  din.    he  is  close  by.    170-7. 

dedemeuk,    here  around.    218-2. 

de  de  xo  man  tcin  °x,    ripht  across  from  him.    186-12. 

c)   Containing  nouns,  or  noun-like  particles  preceded  by  a 
possessive. 

yon  yl  diik,    in  the  corner.    246-9. 

yoneyiduk,    back  of  the  fire.    220-11. 

min  noii  a  din,   alongside.    100-13. 

min  dai,    outside.    158-5. 

min  dai  uk,    outside.    166-2. 

min  dai  tcin  din,    outside.    207-11. 

min  kiii  °x,    back  of  the  house.    165-18. 

mitLa,    behind.    289-14. 

mit  dai  miL,    outside  from.    238-12. 

mit  daik,  outside.     140-6. 

mikkindiii,    at  its  base.    287-1. 

mu  watc,    near.    210-5. 

muk  kus,    one  side.    311-5. 

nin  tciii,    down.     117-10. 

nin  tcin  °x,    ground  toward.    306-17. 

no  nin  din,    at  our  heads.    190-5. 

lurim  mit  dai,    outside  of  my  house.    356-9. 


332  University  of  California  Publications.  CAM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

hwit  La  din,    behind  me. 

xo  Lan,    where  he  was.    106-3. 

xo  Lan  ye,    after  him.    108-16. 

xon  na  kin  ta,    his  eyes  below.    230-3. 

xon  nin  din,    ahead  of  her.    237-5. 

xon  non  ai  din,    along  side  of  him.    202-2. 

xon  tcin  tcin,    on  the  fire  side.    307-6. 

xo  dje  din,    in  front  of  himself.    174-10. 

D)  Derived  from  adjectives  expressing  number. 
a  tin  min  na  tse,    ahead  of  all.    307-17. 

a  tin  din,    all  over.    164-1. 

a  tin  din,    everywhere.    96-5. 

a  tin  din  miL,    from  every  place.    138-5. 

La  a  xo,    one  place.    100-1. 

Laata,   here  and  there.    120-16. 

min  Lun  xoi,    ten  places.    229-6. 

min  Liin  xo  miL,   ten  places  from.    209-8. 

na  La,    back.    105-8. 

E)  Formed  by  means  of  prepositions. 

a  din  neuk  tcin  tcin,   back  of  her.    307-5. 

mit  ta  din,    among  them.    307-12. 

mit  tis  din,    farther.    234-4. 

mik  kya  tcin,    away  from  it.    100-8. 

mukkutax,    over  it.    242-12. 

na  iL  kiit,    one  over  the  other.    329-1. 

niL  tcin,    toward  each  other.    294-16. 

xo  tcin  a,    in  front  of  him.    113-8. 

xwen  neuk  kiit  tein,    at  her  back.    276-7. 

tak  kiit,    bank  along.    362-2. 

to  tcin  tcin,    on  the  river  side.    283-14. 

to  kut  flx,   water  on.    301-4. 

tuk  a  tcin  tcin,    shore  side.    283-16. 

tuk  a  tcin  tern,    toward  the  land.    314-9. 

kutflx,    all  over.    325-4. 

F)  Made  from  verbs  or  conjugated  adjectives. 
iL  kyu  we  din,    all  over.    365-9. 

UL  kyo  we  din,    everywhere.     228-1. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  333 

in.  kyu  we,    all  over.    114-3. 

win  te,   all  the  way.    363-9. 

tin  i.uil  xweddin,    everywhere.    159-4. 

un  Liiii  xoi  din  mil.,    from  everywhere.    230-9. 

nonau  tseteifi,    toward  the  doorway.    166-1. 

nona  wittsedifi.    l>v  the  door.    332-8. 


TIME   AND   SEQUENCE. 

A)  Showing  no  certain  evidence  of  derivation  from  other  parts 
of  speech. 

min  nedjoxomii..    after  a  time.    137-2. 

mitdiLwa,    next.     106-9. 

nei  djox,    while.    114-11. 

hitdjit,    then. 

h/ra  ne,    always.     157-12. 

xa,    yet.    310-9. 

xadedun,    immediately.    163-18. 

xaditdun.    soon.     176-16. 

xat,    right.    278-8. 

xat,   yet.    151-19. 

saa,    longtime.    140-7. 

don  ka,   not  yet.    204-4. 

don  ka,    before.    342-8. 

do  saa,    a  little  while.    97-3. 

duii°x,    again.    104-9. 

dnn  xo,    again.    221-12. 

djo,    now.     108-14. 

ka  de,    after  a  while.    111-6. 

kun,    too.    97-6. 

kut,    now.    122-2. 

kutde,    soon.     306-15. 

kut  tin  xo  lictc,    very  quickly.    294-1. 

kut  tsiin  miL,    soon.     157-8. 

ki  ye,    again.    98-7. 

klyedin,    again.    217-14. 


334  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM.  ARCH.  ETH. 

B)  Apparently  derived  from  demonstrative  and  interrogative 
elements. 

yu  wit  din  hit  un,    at  last.    222-2. 

yu  din  hit,    finally.    109-15. 

yu  din  hit  un,    finally.    118-11. 

hai  ya  dufi,    right  at  that  time.    343-3. 

hai  man,    always.    138-12. 

hai  deox,    every  time.     158-1. 

da  un  din,    a  long  time.    174-12. 

dan,    awhile  ago.    234-4. 

da  xun  hw;6  dun,    long  time  ago.    180-7. 

deuk  au  neL  din,    about  this  time.     360-7. 

de  xo  sin  ne  mil,,    soon.    151-12. 

de  xot  tsit,    a  short  time  before.    186-9. 

ded,    still.    119-4. 

ded,    now.    101-6. 

de  de  un,   this  time.    137-7. 

de  de  xow,    every  time.    333-4. 

de  do  hwa  ne,    now  only.     151-5. 

de  dun,   this  time.     363-7. 

ded  de  x6w,    right  now.     239-1. 

det,    now.    211-13. 

det,   this  time.    217-11. 

det  XOM;,    now.    145-13. 

c)  Containing  nouns. 

La  a  xu  Le,    all  night  long.     310-4. 

Laadjes,    all  day.    278-2. 

La  djes,    every  day.    226-2. 

xu  Le,    in  the  night.     175-14. 

xu  Le  ei  miL,    after  midnight.     179-3. 

xu  Le  dun,    in  the  morning.    122-1. 

xu  Le  dun  miL,    in  the  morning.    311-5. 

xu  Le  dun  din,    early  in  the  morning.    137-7. 

xu  Le  tcin,    at  night.    336-5. 

D)  Derived  from  adjectives  expressing  number. 
La  a,    once  again.     244-11. 
La  ai  ux,    at  once.     98-2. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard— Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          335 

Laxowin/e,    all  the  time.     186-5. 
min  Liin  din,    ten  times.    216-6. 
Latsaxolun,    many  times.     286-10. 
nadiii,    twice.    142-17. 

E)  Formed  by  means  of  prepositions. 
meiik,    when.     119-17. 
mil,,   then.    97-3. 

na  miik  kai  din,    last  of  all.     329-8. 
namukkai  din  din,    the  last  one.     113-4. 
ninnindiii,    ahead  of  you.    111-12. 
natsedin,    first.    112-17. 

p)  Derived  from  verbs  or  having  verb-like  forms. 
ye  du  win  a  miL,    pretty  soon.     341-2. 
yis  xan  mil,,    when  morning  comes.    348-1. 
yis  xan  nei,    days.     105-8. 
yis  xiiii  hit,    in  the  morning.    137-16. 
yis  xun  de,    to-morrow.     137-14. 
yis  xun  din  din  hit,    next  night  after  that.    238-11. 
wii,  dun,    yesterday.    175-13. 
wiLdfmdin,    day  before  yesterday.    246-7. 
nas  da  un  de,    some  time  ago.    281-12. 
deuk  an  nei.  din,    about  this  time.    360-7. 
do  IL  wut,    not  all  the  time.     196-6. 
dowinsaai,    a  little  while.     115-13. 
do  win  sa  ai  mil.,    it  was  not  long.     174-8. 
tseetsdimmiL,    in  a  little  while.    294-1. 
tseetsdin,    a  short  time.    300-11. 
tseesditdifi,    a  little  while.    266-6. 

MANNER. 

A)    Showing   no  certain   evidence  of  derivation   from   other 
jmrts  of  speech . 

il  lea  xutc,    wonderfully.     322-12. 
il  lea  xutc  hit.    wondrously  fine.     341-14. 
r.a  ox,    as  if  it  were  lying  there.    356-8. 
Lax,    without  reason.    136-14. 
Laxokya,    just  like  that.    314-11. 
man,    for  that  reason.    257-4. 


336  University  of  California  Publications.  I>M.  ARCH.  ETH. 

na  mis  °x,    in  a  circle.    244-9. 

nas  don  xo,   by  itself.    351-6. 

xo,     in  vain.    98-4. 

xo  djox,    really.    235-15. 

xotsinne  wanne,    softly.     153-6. 

xotc,    right.     140-4. 

xotc,   safely.    107-8. 

xote  djo  xo  din,    still  more.     292-8. 

xwed  fin,    how.    174-13. 

xwed  dik  kya  fin  te,    how  it  looked.    210-9. 

B)    Apparently   derived   from,   demonstrative,   interrogative, 
and  indefinite  elements. 

hai  yux,    this  way.    296-9. 

hai  yux  xo  te,    the  same  way  will  be.    356-9. 

hai  yuk,    so.    139-1. 

hai  yuk  hit  un,    this  way  it  was.    366-1. 

hai  yuk  ka,   that  way.     113-15. 

hai  yuk  kail,   that  is  the  way.    197-6. 

hai  yuk  ke,   that  way.    282-2. 

dai  dik  ge  auw  un,    for  that  reason.     135-4. 

da  hw-ed  fin,    why.    162-5. 

daxohi^ee,   someway.    116-15. 

da  xo  lure  e  kai  he,    somehow.     101-10. 

daxok,    bad  way.     235-15. 

daxok,    someway.    117-9. 

daxunh/rooM;,    in  such  a  way.    109-11. 

da  xwed  na,   why  do  you  want  him.    221-2. 

da  xwed  hit,   why.    150-3. 

daxweddeen,   why  wouldn't  it  work.     180-15. 

da  xwed  dik  kya,    how.     223-10. 

da  xwed  dik  ki  aim',    how.    116-10. 

da  xwed  duk,    how.    100-14. 

da  xwed  duk  kyauw/%    how.     281-14. 

deox,    this  way.    96-11. 

deuk,    so.    96-12. 

c)  Containing  nouns. 

yi  duk  a  dim  mit,    belly  up.     343-12. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          337 

hirikka,    my  way.    255-4. 
xoxaimii.,    on  foot.    362-2. 

D)  Derived  from  a  numeral. 
Luwfinnin,    alone.     171-6. 

E)  Made  from  verbs  or  conjugated  adjectives. 
a  dex  xiifi  liii,    without  food.    110-4. 

a  din  na  tau,    not  knowing  it.    118-16. 
a  /in  flk,    like  he  was  doing.    203-3. 
min  na  kit  del  kai,    a  leg  each  side.    120-5. 
nanii.  dii. wa,    crosswise.    246-12. 
nittcwin°x,    ill.     1S1-11. 
nikyaux,    hard.     158-1. 
nuhfronflx,    properly.     247-11. 
doneh/ron  °x,    badly.    1W5-12. 

DEGREE. 

A)    Showing   no  certain  evidence  of  derivation  from  other 
parts  of  speech. 

a-  in  a  i.iik  kai,    so  white.    347-6. 

minnedjit,    halfway.     115-15. 

Lax,    almost.    104-11. 

La  xon  ne  en,    so  much  he  mourned.    175-12. 

min  ne  gits,    a  little.    101-15. 

ht^anan,    only.    336-11. 

hwane,   all.    164-9. 

htr  a  ne  he,    only.    362-6. 

htrun,   only.    109-12. 

xoic,    about.     199-2. 

xo  djox,    more.    189-6. 

da  dit  din,   worse.     346-10. 

da  diL  Lan,   more.    238-10. 

xa-  in  the  following : 

xauLkyo,    that  much.    157-12. 
xa  UL  kyo  °x,    that  much.    346-9. 
xauiiLuii,    so  many.    110-12. 
xaunLun,   just  as  many.    311-15. 
xaun  Lun  te,    it  will  be  that  much.    260-17. 


338  University  of  California  Publications.  LAM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

tiii-  in  the  following  words: 

xo  tin  iin  Lun,    even  many.    334-10. 
tin  a  IL  das  tse,    very  heavy.    121-8. 
tin  ai  kin  te,    very  long.    283-15. 
tinistik,    was  very  narrow.     314-2. 
tin  un  Lim,    very  many.      305-1. 
tin  nik  kyaux,    very  much.    338-6. 
tin  tcin  hiton,    good  looking.    220-7. 

B)  Derived  from,  or  resembling  in  form,  the  conjugated  ad 
jectives. 

uLtsa,   that  far.    311-7. 

uLkyo,    (so)  big.     108-18. 

Lan,    much.    192-11. 

min  ne  djox  UL  tsa,    half  way  down  that  far.    220-4. 

xon  Lun,    enough.     322-10. 

xo  da  xwed  un  Lun,    how  many  soever.     307-12. 

daunhwow,    so  large.     121-10. 

da  xufi  hwow,    so.    108-18. 

do  Lan,    little.    233-2. 

ta  un  hwow,    so  much.     145-3. 

ta,  xufi  laivo  6w;,   so  large.    276-5. 

til  teox,    much.    353-10. 

ASSENT    AND    NEGATION. 

A)  Assent. 

an,   yes.    121-1. 

heiyufi,   yes.    102-15,  351-9. 

he  don,    at  least.    361-8. 

di  ye,   yes.    152-14. 

don,    it  is.    104-14. 

kaii,    it  was.    341-7. 

ke,    let.     104-16. 

kun  nan,    I  am  the  one.    205-1. 

kut  don,    it  is  true.    351-9. 

B)  Negation. 

dau,    no.    106-9. 
dau,    not.    118-9. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard. — Morphology  of  the  7/cpa  Language.  3;J9 

PREPOSITIONS. 

In  this  case  as  in  many  others  the  order  of  the  Hupa  is  the 
reverse  of  that  in  English.   Not  only  are  the  prepositions  placed 
after  the  nouns  they  limit,  but  they  follow  a  pronoun  which, 
uniting  with  them,  forms  a  single  word, 
-a,  for,  for  the  benefit  of. 

yaxwa,    for  them.    258-8. 

ma,    for  it.    215-8. 

ma,    for  them.    217-7. 

na,    for  you. 

ne  ha,    for  us. 

no  ha,     for  you  (plu). 

hira,    for  me.     107-12,  351-9. 

xwa,    for  him. 

xwa,    for  them.     110-9. 

xwa  xun,    for  whom.    165-14. 

-an,    out  of. 

xoan,    out  of  her.    842-8. 

-e,    in. 

me,    in.     96-4,  97-11. 

me,    in  it.     101-15. 

deme,    in  (in  this).     97-11. 
edin,    without,  lacking. 

e  din,    without.    257-5. 

xontaedin,    house  without.     192-14. 

Compare,  mite  dje edin,    without  mind,  infant. 

-u,  under,  near. 

meu,    under.     106-18,  145-12. 
meu,    beside.     169-4. 
xoi  u,    under  him.    114-15. 
xoi  u,    in  front  of  him.    171-7. 
teu,    under  water.    100-7. 

-ye,    at  the  foot  of,  under. 

adlye,    under  himself.    221-4. 
mi  ye,    foot  of  it.     104-4. 
mi  ye,    under.    175-6. 
xoi  ye,    before  him.    141-1. 
xoi  ye,    near  him.    150-8. 


340  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

-win  na,    around,  encircling. 

mu  win  na,    around.     104-6. 

min  na,    around.    100-11. 
-wun,    to  or  toward;  from. 

wun,    for.     102-8. 

wun,    from  it.    190-1. 

no  wun,    from  us.    162-6,207-11. 

nuwun,    to  you.    208-12. 

hwowun,    from  me.    106-6. 

~hwo  wun,   to  me.    113-16. 

htt/uwun,    from  me.    185-8. 

xowun,    to  him.    97-1. 
-lai,    on  top. 

mil  lai,    on  top.    166-4,  208-16. 

Compare  the  noun,  mil  lai  ye,   its  end.    159-11. 

-Ian,  with  the  help  of,  in  the  company  of. 
nil  Ian,    help  you.    107-4. 
nil  Ian,   with  you.    319-6. 
hwil  Ian,    help  me.    105-17. 
xol  Ian,    with  him.    319-4. 
dohw-illan,     (nobody)  helps  me.    107-5. 

-L,  with. 

iLwaux,   with  each.    360-2. 

miL,    with.    98-1. 

mil,,   in.    101-7. 

mL,   with  you.    275-3. 

hai  miL,    of  that.    295-4. 

htdL,   with  me.    114-11. 

XOL,    with  him.    116-6. 

XOL,    with  them. 

de  miL,    from.     208-11. 

denohoL,    from  us.    116-5. 

-na,    after,  to  get. 

xonna,    for  him.     117-1. 

-naL,    in  the  presence  of. 

hwinnaL,    in  my  presence.    117-13,295-1. 
xon  naL,   before  him.    97-10,  337-18. 


VOL.  3]    Goddard.— Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.          ;i4i 

-nat,  around. 

adinnat,    around  himself.     121-11. 
inin  nat.    around.    104-15. 
min  na.    around.     100-11. 
no  nat,    us  around.     100-11. 
xon  nat.    around  her.    185-2. 

-xa.    for,  after. 

adoxa,    for  your  stuff.     187-6. 
muxxa,    after  it.    97-9,119-14. 
muxxa,    after  them.     98-13. 
noxa,    for  us.    351-4. 
noxa,    after  us.     192-9. 
noxa,    after  you.     145-9. 
xo  xa,    for  him.     140-7. 

-xuts,    beside,  near. 

inin  xuts,    beside.     118-7. 
kin  xuts,    beside  her.    118-3. 

-ta,  among. 

mitta,    over.    118-16. 
mit  tax,    amongst.    310-10. 
mitta  din,    in.    170-10. 
mit  ta  din,    among.     217-9. 

-tis,  over. 

mit  tis,    over.    109-14,  27fi-5. 
Compare,  mit  tis,    besides.     195-10. 
xotis,    over  him.     121-10. 
xotis,   over  them.    207-10. 

-tuk,    between. 

mit  tuk,    between.     108-9. 

no  tuk,    between  us. 

kin  tuk  kai,   sticks  between.     99-9. 

kit  te  tuk,    horns  between.     162-2. 

-ka  or  -kai,  along,  through,  along  the  side  of.  This  ending  is 
found  with  nouns  only  and  is  inserted  in  this  place  for  com 
parison. 


342  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

mintakai,    in  the  woodroom.    182-1. 
min  tsit  da  kai,    out  of  the  smoke  hole.     158-7. 
xoi  kyan  ai  kai  ta,    his  arms  (he  rubbed) .    347-13. 
xon na de kai ta,    his  legs  too  (he  rubbed).    347-14. 
xonnisteka,    his  throat  down.    118-1. 
xot  tsel  kai,    from  under  his  arms.    143-4. 
kai,    through.     136-3. 
kai,    along.    139-13. 
xunnukka,    river  along.     211-14. 
-tcin,  toward. 

a  dit  tcin,    to  himself.    106-16. 

a  dit  tcin,    on  himself.    175-8,  153-4. 

me  tcin,    in.    97-3. 

mite  tcin,    to  it.     111-15. 

nintcin,    toward  the  ground.     163-1,  117-10. 

xotcin,    to  him.    97-2. 

xo  tcin,   toward  her.    98-9. 

xon  ta  tcin,   houses  among.     200-2. 

-tcin  a,  in  front  of. 

mite  tcin  a,    in  front  of.    96-9,  97-2. 
xo  tcin  a,    in  front  of  him.     113-8. 

-ka,  or  -kai,  after,  following, 
muk  ka,    after.    98-4. 
muk  kai,    on  their  account.     301-12. 
xo  ka,    after  her.     137-10. 
xo  kai,    after  him.    96-5,  174-11,  135-10. 

-kya,  -kya  tcin,    away  from. 

mik  kya  tcin,    away  from  it.    100-8. 
mik  kya  tcin,  away  from  them.    200-1. 
hicik  kya,    from  me.    266-15. 
Im-ik  kya  tcin,    from  me.     307-7. 
xoi  kya  tcin,    from  them. 

-kut,  -kut  tcin,    on. 

iL  kut,    one  over  the  other.    118-1. 

muk  kut,    on.    104-8. 

muk  kut,   to  it.    145-1. 

nuk  kut  tcin,    on  you.    106-10. 


VOL.  3]    Goddnrd. — Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language.  343 

kirikkiittciii,   on  me.    105-18,162-14. 
xoxiit.    on  him.    159-10,165-5. 
xokuttcin,    163-15. 
kut,   on.    97-13,  159-7. 
kuttcin,    on.     195-4. 

CONJUNCTIONS. 

The  conjunctions  in  Hupa  seem  to  be  made  from  demonstra 
tives,  or  adverbs  derived  from  demonstratives.  They  usually  end 
with  the  syllable  -ufi.  There  is  {rood  reason  to  believe  that  its 
absence  is  an  omission  due  to  rapid  speech. 

hai  iiii,    and.     116-2. 

haiyai.,  and  (perhaps  for  hai ya  mil.).  96-4. 

hai  yaL  uii,  and  (perhaps  for  hai  ya  mil.  un).  97-13. 

hai  ya  mil.,  and.  96-6. 

haiyamiLun,    and.    96-2. 

hai  ya  hit  djit  ufi,    and  then.    96-5. 

haiyadetc,    and  then.     257-3. 

INTERJECTIONS, 
a,    138-12. 

a  161610,  109-17. 

e,   105-15. 

ewak,    poor  fellow.     187-1. 

i,  181-10. 

ul  16,    hot,  a  cry  of  pain  from  a  burn.    329-9. 

ullo,    hurts.     153-14. 

ye,    209-11. 

ye  he,  223-1. 

wu,    (call  for  deer).    195-5. 

wut  te,    (imitation  of  the  call  of  a  bird) .    100-5. 

he,    204-13. 

xe,    337-9. 

xei,    241-7. 

dol,    (imitation  of  the  sound  of  a  blow).    144-3. 

dul,    108-16. 

djo,    take  it.    111-8. 

tso,    153-12. 

ka,    (imitation  of  the  call  of  the  crow).    114-7. 


344  University  of  California  Publications.  [AM-  ARCH.  ETH. 

CONCLUSION. 

After  an  extended  examination  of  the  Hupa  language,  it  is 
apparent  that  a  language  having  the  most  elaborate  morphologi 
cal  structure  is  not  essentially  different  from  an  isolating  lan 
guage  like  English  which  has  no  morphology.  In  both,  the 
simple  speech  elements  have  a  fixed  order  of  sequence  in  the 
sentence.  In  neither  case  does  the  element  itself  have  independ 
ent  value.  Complete  groups  of  elements  are  required  to  ex 
press  thought.  The  mind  seizing  upon  these  groups  classifies, 
them  according  to  the  analogy  of  their  form  and  meaning  or 
function.  In  one  case,  the  conjugation  is  composed  of  morpho 
logical  groups,  in  the  other  of  syntactical  groups. 

The  difference  is,  in  part,  artificial,  due  to  the  method  of 
writing  the  languages.  In  English,  I  love  him,  is  written,  but 
I-lov-im,  is  spoken.  No  doubt  one  who  should  attempt  to  write 
English  from  hearing  it  spoken,  without  a  knowledge  of  the  ac 
cepted  English  orthography,  would  write  many  sentences  as 
single  words.  The  real  difference  lies  in  the  greater  degree  of 
phonetic  assimilation,  in  the  one  case,  which  has  taken  place  be 
tween  the  sounds  brought  into  contact  by  the  fixed  sentence 
order,  and  the  greater  vividness,  in  the  other,  in  which  the  mind 
holds  certain  speech  elements  as  giving  a  particular  meaning  to 
the  completed  group. 

The  Hupa  verb  seems  to  be  nothing  else  than  a  complete  sen 
tence,  the  parts  of  which  have  become,  or  always  were,  fused  to 
gether.  The  parts  of  speech  occurring  outside  of  the  verb  are  the 
noun,  in  every  language  independent  in  form  and  meaning,  ap 
parently  originally  monosyllabic;  and  numeral,  pronominal, 
demonstrative,  and  interjectional  elements.  These  are  for  the 
most  part  appositional  in  their  use,  giving  greater  definiteness  to 
the  sense  already  fully  expressed  in  the  sentence- verb. 


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